Nouvelles

By PAUL MCLEARY Europe has bristled at a letter sent to the EU from the Pentagon and State Department, which says proposed EU defense programs are unfair to the US defense industry. WASHINGTON: Pentagon and State Department officials have told the European Union they're “deeply concerned” over plans to potentially exclude US defense firms from competing for billions worth of new arms deals, suggesting the US could slap restrictions on buying European defense equipment in retaliation. At issue is the proposed $14 billion European Defence Fund, and a host of procurement programs under the the Permanent Structured Cooperation, or PESCO, the European economic alliance is undertaking. While the May 1 letter from Ellen Lord, Pentagon procurement chief, and Andrea Thompson, State's undersecretary for arms control and international security, expressed general support for the EU initiatives, it made clear the US would like to see significant changes in the draft language before the 28-country bloc votes on them as early as next month. The language in both documents, the US argues, feature intellectual property and export control restrictions that would act as “poison pills” to “effectively preclude participation by any company that uses U.S.-origin technology.” Overall, Lord and Thompson write, the conditions outlined in the EDF and PESCO documents “represent a dramatic reversal of the last three decades of increased integration of the transatlantic defense sector.” If the restrictions are kept in place, the US officials warn, “it is clear that similar reciprocally imposed U.S. restrictions would not be welcomed by our European partners and Allies, and we would not relish having to consider them in the future.” But EU officials defended their efforts this week. Asked about the US letter, an EU spokesperson replied in an email that the EDF and PESCO will “complement and strengthen NATO,” at a time in which the Trump administration has made that a key policy goal, and “enable Europe to shoulder its fair share of the burden and responsibility for global security.” But it's clear the letter has rankled the Europeans. “The EU has an open and competitive defense procurement framework, in fact more so than the US procurement market,” the spokesperson wrote. “In the EU, there is no ‘Buy European Act.' 81 percent of the total value of international defense contracts in Europe go to US firms. The US defense market is three to four times larger than that of the EU, and yet imports from the EU are marginal for the US, while EU imports from the US are significant.” The official said that American companies with subsidiaries in the EU will remain eligible for funding under the EDF subject to security conditions “which are similar – in fact less restrictive – to the ones that EU companies face in the US.” The EU's High Representative Federica Mogherini told reporters Tuesday that PESCO projects aren't meant to be a vehicle to increase transAtlantic ties, and the EU will gladly continue doing business with non-EU defense companies. The program “is not defined to be an instrument for partnership,” she said. “It does not substitute other partnerships, including in the defense industry and research that we have already in place and that are essential for us,” she added. For years, non-NATO countries like Sweden and Finland have drawn closer to NATO and have increased ties with US defense firms while also building their own domestic defense capabilities, though the relationship hasn't always been smooth. While the US government is concerned over US companies being excluded, the PESCO effort has been developed explicitly to bolster the ability of European countries to produce their own weapons systems, cyber capabilities, and surveillance technologies. So-called “third states” — non EU members — may ask to participate in PESCO projects, but all of the member states must vote to allow them in. Lord and Thompson argue that walling-off EU projects from NATO efforts would lead to duplication and waste, while decreasing interoperability between the EU and NATO. It could also “potentially tum the clock back to the sometimes divisive discussions about EU defense initiatives that dominated our exchanges 15 years ago.” In the end, the US letter is just the latest turn in what has been a complex, up and down relationship between the US and Europe under the Trump administration. The president has loudly condemned Washington's closest allies in Europe for not spending enough on their own defense, while threatening to pull out of NATO. At the same time, the US has increased troop levels in Europe and pumped over $11 billion into the European Deterrence Initiative over the past two years, in an effort to upgrade US and allied basing, increase joint exercises, and modernize equipment on the continent to counter the Russian threat. https://breakingdefense.com/2019/05/state-dod-letter-warns-european-union-to-open-defense-contracts-or-else/

By: Jen Judson WASHINGTON — The most valuable role for U.S. special operations forces within the National Defense Strategy is to build relationships with countries in hot spots around the globe to keep Russia and China at bay. But that effort can't be at the expense of its counterterrorism mission, which remains the No. 1 priority of special forces, according to leadership within U.S. Special Operations Command. SOCOM plans to issue a report to Congress on a comprehensive review of its roles and missions this month, according to Mark Mitchell, the principal deputy assistant secretary of defense for special operations and low-intensity conflict, who was speaking during a recent hearing with the House Intelligence and Emerging Threats and Capabilities Subcommittee. One of the main priorities for SOCOM is to carry out counterterror missions, but the National Defense Strategy focuses on great power competition against near-peer adversaries Russia and China, so House lawmakers wanted to know how special forces fit in a strategy that focuses less on counterterrorism and more on powerful adversaries. “We've been the tip of the spear on the [counterterror] fight,” SOCOM Commander Gen. Richard Clarke said during the hearing. “However, moving forward, particularly in great power competition, our special operations forces are not necessarily going to be in that fight because the whole idea of the strategy is to avoid a kinetic” confrontation, he added. Clarke said he's examining SOCOM relationships with U.S. Cyber Command, U.S. Strategic Command and U.S. Transportation Command as well as the global combatant commanders to see “how we can best integrate our forces and provide support to those in other domains.” “I think the special operations community is uniquely suited to build networks of partners and allies around the globe to put us in a position, first of all, to compete for that influence and legitimacy in peacetime,” Clarke added. Special forces also have an important role to play within the military information support operations center in Tampa, Florida, which is aligned with the State Department's Global Engagement Center, which “allows us to compete in the space ahead of time and make sure that we're countering some of the vitriol that's coming out of Russia at this time and the falsehoods,” Clarke said. According to Clarke and Mitchell, it's unlikely the reach of special forces around the globe will wane. “A [counterterror] deployment to Africa is also a part of that great power competition against the Russians and Chinese,” Clarke noted as an example. “We are trying to look at our employment of the SOF force from a holistic view to ensure that we're maximizing the return on that investment to our counterterrorism mission and our great power competition.” The relationships that U.S. special forces develop with other countries is also unique, Clarke noted. “A small team, a small element of Special Operations forces, can bring a significant impact working with foreign forces.” “Remember,” Mitchell added, “Chinese and Russian threats are global, and that's part of the reason why we're in 80 countries.” For example, Mitchell added, SOCOM received recent congressional approval to move forward with an important counterterror effort in the Philippines, but that is also a critical component of building influence within the country and “keeping Chinese at arm's length.” While the NDS is focused on great power competition, the strategy still recognizes the need to combat violent extremist organizations, which “is not going away, and we've got to balance that,” Mitchell said. So some new concepts for employment of special forces will likely emerge, according to Mitchell. “We're working with the services to ensure that we are integrated with their development efforts,” he added. But there are a few tasks where, if given the chance, SOCOM would take off its plate, particularly to improve its deployment ratio with double the time spent at home compared to overseas. Clarke said special forces in Africa could be better optimized. “That's not necessarily ‘take away the mission,' but I see reduction internal to some of these missions,” he said. Additionally, the mission to counter weapons of mass destruction is also an increasing burden on the force, Clarke said: “I think it's a right-sizing in the mission internal to make sure we have the right force allocation against it.” And SOCOM is looking at how the Army's security force assistance brigades might be better suited for certain security force assistance-type missions. “SOF should be in places where it's a light footprint, it's politically sensitive, with a small team, that is training other special operations forces primarily,” Clarke said. https://www.defensenews.com/pentagon/2019/05/17/where-do-special-forces-fit-in-the-national-defense-strategy/

Nicolas Gros-Verheyde (B2) Mois après mois, les résultats tombent. Quand ils ont le choix, certains Européens préfèrent acheter américain plutôt qu'européen. Pourquoi ? Un achat de défense n'est pas uniquement un achat En matière de défense, un pays n'achète pas seulement un matériel, il répond à une histoire — tradition maritime, terrestre, etc. —, une géopolitique intérieure — neutralité, non aligné, aligné, autonome —, une affirmation de soi — volonté de prouver au peuple, à ses voisins sa puissance —, un contexte géopolitique — proximité ou non d'adversaires ressentis ou réelle —. La volonté d'avoir une autonomie d'équipements, ou non, découle de tous ces facteurs. La meilleure défense face à un adversaire ... Face à la Russie, nombre de pays européens estiment que la meilleure défense reste les États-Unis. Il ne s'agit donc pas de desserrer les liens qui existent avec les USA, mais de les resserrer. Et le meilleur moyen reste alors les achats d'équipement, qui solidifient de façon claire ce lien euro-atlantique. La duplicité de l'appel à dépenser plus C'est toute la duplicité de l'appel à dépenser davantage pour la défense. Appel largement soutenu par les Américains. Au-delà de l'objectif, justifié, de partage du fardeau entre Européens et Américains, la pression a un objectif purement économique : favoriser l'industrie américaine qui est la seule à répondre à la fois aux objectifs industriel (les matériels), opérationnel (l'interopérabilité), économique (le moins disant) et politique. La panoplie complète des Américains La fourniture des équipements militaires s'accompagne de la logistique, des armements et de la formation. Un ‘package' ordinaire pour ce type d'armements. Mais les Américains ont une panoplie beaucoup plus complète, qui va de l'outil de financement à crédit au soutien logistique dans les opérations extérieures, en passant par la présence de troupes ou de matériels dans les pays concernés, destinés à les rassurer face à des voisins inquiétants, un forcing permanent de leurs politiques, sans oublier l'accueil de jeunes ou moins jeunes officiers ou sous-officiers stagiaires dans leurs écoles. Un effort notable américain de formation Rien que pour la Roumanie, par exemple, pays qui préside actuellement aux destinées de l'Union européenne, ce sont 700 officiers qui franchissent le seuil d'une des écoles militaires US, des écoles de guerre réputées aux simples écoles de gardes nationaux. Cela forge des réflexes, une culture commune, des camaraderies, une solidarité... et l'habitude d'utiliser certains matériels. Peu étonnant ensuite que chacun soit convaincu dans l'armée roumaine qu'il faille acheter ces équipements. Une réflexion à engager Si les Européens veulent un tant soit peu défendre leurs équipements, il va falloir réfléchir sérieusement à se doter de ces cinq outils : les échanges et l'accueil dans les écoles européennes — l'Erasmus militaire prôné dans la fin des années 2000 est un peu tombé dans l'oubli (1) —, le financement croisé, la présence dans les pays (qui ne soit pas dispersée). (Nicolas Gros-Verheyde) https://www.bruxelles2.eu/2019/05/17/pourquoi-les-europeens-narrivent-pas-a-convaincre-lors-de-lachat-dequipements-militaires/

Orientation de la politique Protection, Sécurité, Engagement La politique de défense Protection, Sécurité, Engagement, tient compte du fait que la collaboration avec des représentants du milieu universitaire et d'autres experts renforce les fondements du processus décisionnel fondé sur des preuves. A cette fin, cette politique fournit une directive en vue d'augmenter l'investissement annuel pour financer un programme de coopération de la Défense remanié et élargi. Le programme Mobilisation des idées nouvelles en matière de défense et de sécurité (MINDS) répond à cet appel. S'inspirer de la réussite Le programme MINDS s'inspire de la réussite du Programme de coopération de la Défense (PCD), tout en élargissant judicieusement le programme de manière à obtenir non seulement des résultats plus importants, mais de meilleurs résultats. Les consultations sont au centre de ces efforts de renouvellement. Elles ont débuté dans le cadre de l'examen de la politique de défense et se poursuivent gr'ce à un dialogue continu avec des experts à l'échelle du pays. Le PCD a aidé de façon efficace l'Équipe de la Défense à obtenir des conseils externes par l'entremise de sa série de conférences d'experts et de son programme de subventions de coopération ciblées. Ces éléments du programme qui se sont avérés être un succès se poursuivront. Nouvelle méthode en matière de mobilisation externe Étant une version élargie du PCD, MINDS offre un programme qui : répond aux besoins en matière de conseils pertinents et opportuns de la part des experts de la défense et de la sécurité; favorise le développement de la prochaine génération d'experts et de savants; aide la population canadienne à mieux comprendre les enjeux en matière défense et de sécurité. Le programme MINDS offre toutefois de plus grandes possibilités de collaboration entre l'Équipe de la Défense et la communauté de spécialistes de la sécurité et de la défense. Ce programme comprend les cinq principales catégories suivantes : Série de conférence d'experts, Subventions de coopération ciblées, Réseaux de collaboration, Bourses d'études et Mécanisme d'intervention rapide. Chacune de ces catégories propose différentes façons pour le ministère de la Défense nationale et les Forces armées canadiennes d'accéder rapidement à de l'expertise pertinente qui intègre divers points de vue et fournit des conseils éclairés. Ce programme vise à refléter les principales priorités du gouvernement du Canada dans le travail qu'il accomplit, veillant à ce que l'analyse comparative entre les sexes plus (ACS+) soit intégrée et appuyant la réconciliation avec les Autochtones et les activités de mobilisation des jeunes. Collaboration de l'Équipe de la Défense Le programme MINDS est différent du programme Innovation pour la défense, l'excellence et la sécurité (IDEeS), mais complémentaire à celui ci, utilisant diverses approches pour relever les défis en matière de défense et de sécurité. Le programme IDEeS propose des solutions cruciales aux défis relatifs à la technologie et aux capacités appliquées, tandis que MINDS est axé sur une réflexion stratégique et sur la production de connaissances dans le domaine des politiques publiques. Ensemble, MINDS et IDEeS stimulent l'innovation et contribuent à relever les défis en matière de défense. La politique de défense Protection, Sécurité, Engagement, propose des mesures concrètes pour améliorer la capacité de l'Équipe de la Défense d'anticiper et de comprendre les menaces, les défis et les possibilités. Pour atteindre cet objectif, il est essentiel de faire appel à l'expertise de la communauté canadienne d'experts en matière de défense et de sécurité par l'intermédiaire du programme MINDS. https://www.canada.ca/fr/ministere-defense-nationale/programmes/minds.html

(B2) L'Europe doit-elle s'occuper de défense et de diplomatie ? Comment peut-elle le faire ? Observateur patenté des institutions européennes, B2 vous propose quelques pistes de réflexion... On ne peut pas se réjouir simplement que la coopération structurée permanente ait été mise en place ou qu'un Fonds européen de défense soit en train de naitre. L'Europe ne fait ainsi que rattraper un retard à l'allumage. Tous ces projets ont été conçus il y a dix ou vingt ans. Ce qui à l'échelle de l'évolution du monde est quasiment un siècle. Les mettre en place maintenant est indispensable. Mais la donne stratégique évolue. Il importe de continuer à avancer vite, pour rattraper le retard et combler toutes les lacunes. Se reposer sur les 'lauriers' serait une erreur tragique. La doctrine européenne : sans illusion, La réalité inscrite dans les Traités européens actuels est la politique (européenne) de sécurité et de défense commune (PeSDC), alias l'Europe de la défense. Elle n'est pas comparable à ce qui se définit au plan national comme une politique de défense. Il est primordial d'avoir une vue ‘honnête' et ‘objective' de la situation actuelle. Ce qu'est l'Europe de la défense. Ce qu'elle n'est pas Mini QG militaire, Fonds européen de la défense, coopération structurée permanente... Ce n'est pas le grand soir annoncé par certains. Mais c'est une étape intéressante permettant à différents projets mis sur la table depuis un ou deux ans de progresser. Union européenne de défense : ce qui avance, ce qui bloque B'tir des structures institutionnelles Les dernières options travaillées au sein de la Commission européenne semblent favoriser une nouvelle direction générale au mandat élargi regroupant la Défense et la Sécurité, selon nos informations. Une DG défense et sécurité d'ici la fin de l'année ?* L'idée d'avoir une commission de plein exercice consacrée aux questions de défense dans le futur Parlement européen est sur la table. Sera-t-elle acceptée ? En route vers une commission Défense au Parlement européen ?* A force de parler d'armée européenne, il faudrait examiner ce que cela imposerait. Ne tentons pas de dire que cette idée est bonne ou mauvaise. Essayons de voir ce que cela supposerait. Imaginons un moment un consensus politique pour créer cette armée. Imaginons des moyens pragmatiques pour la mettre en œuvre. Et si l'armée européenne était un projet d'avenir ? Dynamiser la diplomatie européenne Pour avoir une diplomatie européenne plus réactive, pourquoi ne pas désigner un envoyé ou un représentant spécial pour une zone de crise, ou confier à une troïka ou un duo de pays membres le soin de mener les négociations. Deux outils oubliés de la diplomatie européenne de gestion de crises à ressusciter Berlin insiste régulièrement sur un point souvent oublié dans la rhétorique sur l'armée européenne : la mise en place d'un « Conseil de sécurité de l'UE ». Un point qui mérite un peu d'attention. Mettre en place un Conseil de sécurité européen ? Une idée à travailler. L'Union européenne dispose de représentants spéciaux en Asie centrale, au Moyen-Orient au Sahel, etc. Leur présence est-elle nécessaire aujourd'hui ? Huit représentants spéciaux de l'UE enkystés dans le paysage. Efficacité ? Refonder la gestion de crises Malgré de grands effets de manche, l'Union européenne a perdu en fait son ambition de maintien de la paix qui sur laquelle reposait sa politique de sécurité et de défense. Et cependant, il ne manque pas de raisons et de possibilités d'agir. Que pourrait-elle faire ? Les missions et opérations de sécurité et de défense communes sont aujourd'hui un peu les enfants délaissés de la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne (PESC). Elles ne suscitent que très peu d'attention des responsables européens. Certaines missions et opérations n'ont plus d'efficacité ou sont arrivées à leur terme. Il est temps d'en tirer la leçon ! Opération Sophia, EUBAM Rafah et Libya... l'UE doit apprendre à fermer des missions devenues inutiles Le concept des battlegroups est bon mais il est dépassé aujourd'hui. Cela reste un joujou d'exercice, impossible à mettre en pratique. Pour le rendre déployable trois éléments essentiels peuvent être travaillés : une autorisation politique préalable, des financements préalables, des éléments modulaires. Revoir le concept des battlegroups : une nécessité Développer l'autonomie industrielle Malgré des efforts certains, la plupart des pays européens n'ont pas le réflexe d'acheter chez leur voisin quand ils ne peuvent s'équiper en national. Et ils préfèrent acheter américain. L'achat d'un équipement militaire ne peut se résoudre à une question technique, il y a tout un accompagnement politique, logistique à prévoir que seuls les États-Unis aujourd'hui fournissent. Pourquoi les Européens n'arrivent pas à convaincre lors de l'achat d'équipements militaires ? (article publié jeudi) A suivre... (Nicolas Gros-Verheyde) https://club.bruxelles2.eu/2019/05/reflechir-a-leurope-de-la-defense-demain/

By NEIL MOSS Canada would be 'better served' if defence projects are overseen by a non-partisan body, says a retired Armed Forces colonel, who oversaw procurement and equipment management policy. https://www.hilltimes.com/2019/05/13/questions-abound-over-ugly-defence-procurement-system-following-mark-norman-case/199729

NAVY C.E.R. Inc.,* Baltimore, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0011); Repaintex Co.,* Leesburg, Virginia (N40080-19-D-0012); Veterans Construction Coalition LLC,* Norfolk, Virginia (N40080-19-D-0013); Belt Built-CFM JV,* Crofton, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0014); G-W Management Services LLC,* Rockville, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0015); EGI-HSU JV LLC,* Gaithersburg, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0016); Desbuild Inc.,* Hyattsville, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0017); Tuckman-Barbee Construction Co. Inc.,* Upper Marlboro, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0018); Tidewater Inc.,* Elkridge, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0019); and Donley Construction LLC,* Aberdeen, Maryland (N40080-19-D-0020), are awarded an indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity, multiple award construction contract for construction projects located primarily within the Naval Facilities Engineering Command (NAVFAC) Washington area of operations (AO). The maximum dollar value including the base period and one option year for all 10 contracts combined is $240,000,000. C.E.R. Inc. is being awarded the initial task order at $4,338,999 for the renovation of Rooms A143A through 162, Building 209 at Naval Research Laboratory, Washington, District of Columbia. Work for this task order is expected to be completed by December 2020. All work on this contract will be performed primarily within the NAVFAC Washington AO to include Washington, District of Columbia (40 percent); Virginia (40 percent); and Maryland (20 percent). The term of the contract is not to exceed 60 months, with an expected completion date of May 2024. Fiscal 2019 supervision, inspection, and overhead; and fiscal 2019 Navy working capital funds (NWCF) in the amount of $4,338,999 are obligated on this award, of which $10,000 will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. Future task orders will be primarily funded by military construction (Navy); operations and maintenance (Navy and Marine Corps); and NWCF. This contract was competitively procured via the Navy Electronic Commerce Online website, with 50 proposals received. These 10 contractors may compete for task orders under the terms and conditions of the awarded contract. NAVFAC Washington, District of Columbia, is the contracting activity. The Boeing Co., St. Louis, Missouri, is awarded $139,808,430 for modification P00009 to a previously awarded, fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract (N00019-16-D-1002). This modification increases the ceiling of the contract to procure up to 12,000 additional Precision Laser Guidance Sets for the Laser Joint Direct Attack Munition. Work will be performed in Fort Worth, Texas (68.23 percent); Cincinnati, Ohio (10.1 percent); St. Louis, Missouri (9.38 percent); Odessa, Missouri (4.37 percent); Simpsonville, South Carolina (4.03 percent); Minneapolis, Minnesota (1.68 percent); and various locations within the continental U.S. (2.21 percent), and is expected to be completed in April 2020. No funds are being obligated at time of award; funds will be obligated on individual delivery orders as they are issued. The Naval Air Systems Command, Patuxent River, Maryland, is the contracting activity. Applied Research Laboratory, University of Hawaii, Menoa, Hawaii, is awarded a maximum value $77,209,225 five-year, sole source, cost-plus-fixed-fee, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity, task order contract for research, development, engineering, and test and evaluation for programs throughout the Department of Defense. Running concurrently with the maximum ceiling announcement is an initial delivery order of $777,710. Work will be performed in Manoa, Hawaii, and is expected to be complete by May 2024. Fiscal 2019 research, development, test and evaluation (Navy) funding in the amount of a $777,710 will be obligated at initial delivery order and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract is awarded pursuant to 10 U.S. Code 2304 (c) (3), as implemented in Federal Acquisition Regulation 6.302-3; industrial mobilization; engineering, developmental, or research capability; or expert services. Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, District of Columbia, is the contracting activity (N00024-19-D-6400). BAE Systems San Diego Ship Repair, San Diego, California, is awarded a $32,324,635 firm-fixed-price contract for the execution of the medium auxiliary repair floating drydock (non-self-propelled) ARCO (ARDM 5) fiscal 2019 docking service craft overhaul availability. This availability will include a combination of maintenance, modernization and repair of the ARCO. This is a seven-month availability and was competed on a coast-wide (West Coast) basis without limiting the place of performance to the vessel's homeport. BAE will provide the facilities and human resources capable of completing, coordinating and integrating multiple areas of maintenance, repair and modernization. Work will be performed in San Diego, California, and is expected to be completed by March 2020. Fiscal 2019 operations and maintenance (Navy) funding in the amount of $32,324,635 will be obligated at time of award and will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was competitively procured using full and open competition via the Federal Business Opportunities website, with two offers received in response to solicitation N5523618R0011. The Southwest Regional Maintenance Center, San Diego, California, is the contracting activity (N55236-19-C-0007). R. Stresau Laboratory Inc., Spooner, Wisconsin, is awarded a $19,982,892 firm-fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract with a five-year ordering period for MK18 MOD0 electric blasting caps and MK20 MOD2 electric squibs in support of the Navy, Army, Air Force, and Special Operations Command. The MK18 MOD0 electric blasting cap is initiated by an electric source such as a blasting machine or battery and is used in multiple explosives. The MK20 MOD2 electric squib is a stand-alone device used to ignite smokeless powder and pyrotechnic compositions used in electric demolition operations. Work will be performed in Spooner, Wisconsin, and is expected to be completed by April 2024. Fiscal 2018 and Fiscal 2019 procurement of ammunition (Air Force, Army, Navy, and Marine Corps) funding in the amount of $3,048,863 will be obligated at the time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was competitively procured via the Federal Business Opportunities website, with one offer received. The Naval Surface Warfare Center, Crane Division, Crane, Indiana is the contracting activity (N00164-19-D-JR66). AIR FORCE UES Inc., Dayton, Ohio (FA8650-19-D-2904); and University of Dayton Research Institute, Dayton, Ohio (FA8650-19-D-2905), have been awarded a not-to-exceed $99,000,000 indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract for scientific research. This contract provides for scientific exploration for the discovery and/or advancement of power, energy, thermal, integration and control (PETIC) technologies in order to develop enabling materials, processes, devices, modeling and simulation for advanced high performance military weapon systems and emerging applications. Work will be performed at the Air Force Research Laboratory Wright Research Site, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, and is expected to be complete by Aug. 21, 2024. This contract is the result of a competitive acquisition and two offers were received. Fiscal 2019 research and development funds in the amount of $4,341,500 are being obligated on task orders at the time of award. Air Force Research Laboratory, Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio, is the DEFENSE LOGISTICS AGENCY Raytheon Co., McKinney, Texas, has been awarded a maximum $36,739,122 firm-fixed-price delivery order (SPRPA1-19-F-CB04) against a five-year basic ordering agreement (SPRPA1-19-G-CB01) with no option periods for aircraft spare parts. This was a sole-source acquisition using justification 10 U.S. Code 2304 (c)(1), as stated in Federal Acquisition Regulation 6.301-1. Location of performance is Texas, with a Sept. 30, 2022, performance completion date. Using customer is Navy. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2019 through 2022 Navy aircraft procurement funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Aviation, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Serco Inc., Reston, Virginia, has been awarded a maximum $21,113,749 modification (P00011) exercising the second one-year option period of a one-year base contract (SP3300-17-C-5003) with four one-year option periods for chemical management services. This is a firm-fixed-price contract with cost-reimbursement and cost-plus-fixed-fee line items. Locations of performance are Virginia, North Carolina, Florida, and California with a May 15, 2020, performance completion date. Using customer is Defense Logistics Agency Aviation. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2019 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is Defense Logistics Agency Distribution, New Cumberland, Pennsylvania. United Technologies Corp., doing business as Pratt & Whitney Military Engines Division, East Hartford, Connecticut, has been awarded a maximum $9,048,256 firm-fixed price contract for TF-33 aircraft engine first stage turbine blades. This was a sole-source acquisition using justification 10 U.S. Code 2304 (c)(1), as stated in Federal Acquisition Regulation 6.301-1. This is a two-year, six-month contract with no option periods. Location of performance is Connecticut, with an Oct. 29, 2021, performance completion date. Using military service is Air Force. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2019 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is Defense Logistics Agency Aviation, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma (SPRTA1-19-F-0249). Safety Kleen Systems Inc., Richardson, Texas, has been awarded a maximum $8,334,836 firm-fixed-price, indefinite-quantity contract for engine lubricating oil. This was a competitive acquisition with one offer received. This is a one-year base contract with four one-year option periods. Locations of performance are Louisiana and California, with a May 12, 2020, performance completion date. Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2019 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Aviation, Richmond, Virginia (SPE4A6-19-D-0023). DEFENSE INFORMATION SYSTEMS AGENCY DRS Network & Imaging Systems LLC, Melbourne, Florida, was awarded a sole-source, firm-fixed-price delivery order (HC1084-19-F-0145) with a face value and approximate total contract value of $28,600,000, under contract NNG15SC08B on the National Aeronautics and Space Administration Solutions for Enterprise-Wide Procurement contract vehicle for additional Army installation kits and spares in support of the Army Program Executive Office Command, Control, and Communications-Tactical Project Manager, Mission Command. This action is funded by fiscal 2019 procurement funds. Performance is throughout the continental U.S. The contract period of performance is 12 months. The DISA/Defense Information Technology Contracting Organization, Scott Air Force Base, Illinois, is the contracting activity. ARMY Stanton Engineering Services LLC,* Columbia, Missouri, was awarded a $9,000,000 firm-fixed-price contract for architect and engineering fire protection support services. Bids were solicited via the internet with four received. Work locations and funding will be determined with each order, with an estimated completion date of May 13, 2024. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Louisville, Kentucky, is the contracting activity (W912QR-19-D-0026). *Small business https://dod.defense.gov/News/Contracts/Contract-View/Article/1846374/source/GovDelivery/

By: Mike Gruss The Pentagon is reorganizing its internal offices to better partner with universities and upstart technology firms to ensure the military has access to talent and research in the near future and to fortify its innovation pipeline. Defense leaders are increasingly worried about what they describe as the national security innovation base. They hope a series of steps will make it easier to work with, and take advantage of, the leading-edge science across the country. This includes technology that spans from the concept stage to the production stage, and outlets that includes researchers to the defense industrial base. The changes, which affect the Defense Innovation Unit and MD5, were first mentioned in the Pentagon's budget request for fiscal 2020 and have been discussed with increasing details in recent weeks. Defense innovation leaders explained the new setup to C4ISRNET in an interview May 9. DIU's mission is to help the military accelerate its use of emerging commercial technologies and lower the barrier of entry for businesses that don't already do business with the Pentagon. Under the new approach: - The MD5 National Security Technology Accelerator has been renamed the National Security Innovation Network. The network, which helps connect academia, DOD laboratories and users, will fall under the Defense Innovation Unit as a way to take advantage of economies of scale. Morgan Plummer, the network's managing director, said the new name, which changed May 6, more accurately portrays the agency's mission. The program has its own line in the budget for the first time in fiscal 2020. - The National Security Innovation Capital fund, a new program created in the fiscal 2019 defense policy bill, will set aside investment in upstart U.S. companies so they don't fall risk to foreign investors. U.S. leaders fear that as some startups become so desperate for funding they may not consider the national security ramifications of accepting money from overseas. “It's an attempt to keep hardware investment on shore,” said Mike Madsen, director of Washington operations at DIU. The NSIC also aims to signal to the investment community that the Defense Department is interested in developing dual-use technologies and to provide a foreign investment alternative for hardware companies. In testimony to Congress in March, Mike Griffin, the Pentagon's acquisition chief for research and engineering, said that the new groups will fall to DIU “in an effort to put similarly-focused organizations under a single leadership structure.” Perhaps more importantly, Defense leaders said the new structure will help the Pentagon “hand off” technology with a low readiness level or level of maturity until it is ready for broader adoption. “There are these huge pools of untapped talent,” Plummer said. To take advantage of that talent means going beyond research grants in academia and instead to create a network of hubs and spokes of early stage ventures in approximately 35 communities throughout the country. While DIU has offices in Austin, Boston and Silicon Valley, creating a broader network means the NSIN would have staffers in cities such as Chicago, Miami, Columbus, Boulder, Raleigh, St. Louis and Minneapolis. “It makes the Department accessible in a real way,” Plummer said. Previously, business leaders may see the Pentagon as a “big gray monolith” and “may not even know where the door to this place is.” DIU will continue to focus on artificial intelligence, autonomy, cyber, human systems, and space. The Pentagon asked for $164 million for DIU in its fiscal 2020 budget request. https://www.c4isrnet.com/pentagon/2019/05/13/the-pentagon-wants-to-create-a-broader-network-of-innovators/

Nicolas Gros-Verheyde (B2) C'est le titre de l'ouvrage que je prépare pour les éditions du Villard. ‘Utopie ou réalités', c'est bien le dilemme auquel est confrontée aujourd'hui l'Europe de la défense ou la défense européenne Je ne compte pas donner de bonne recette ou asséner une vérité. Dans ce domaine, il y a assez de théorie et d'idéologie, souvent assez binaire. La principale ambition de cet ouvrage est ailleurs. Il s'agit de découvrir et d'expliquer les dernières nouveautés, les acquis déjà opérationnels, les projets en cours, les défis ou simplement les idées. Tout cela avec des arguments, précis, puisés aux meilleures sources, et de façon la plus compréhensible possible. Nous visiterons ainsi le fonds européen de défense, l'hypothèse d'une DG Défense à la Commission européenne, le commandement aérien intégré, l'ébauche d'un QG permanent militaire européen, l'initiative européenne d'intervention comme les idées d'avoir un Conseil européen de sécurité ou une armée européenne. Un ou deux invités surprises viendront compléter ou nuancer mon propos, tel un contrepoint. Cet ouvrage est à paraitre dès que possible et au plus tard d'ici l'automne. Il aurait dû sortir avant ; j'en avais parlé à quelques uns d'entre vous. Mais ma résidence dans les Alpes a brûlé en partie (1). Ce qui a un peu bousculé mon planning, m'obligeant à départir une grosse partie de mon temps pour rétablir au plus vite ce qui est mon principal poumon et ma principale respiration dans ce monde complexe et où la rapidité prime sur la compréhension, ma résidence d'écriture en quelque sorte. (Nicolas Gros-Verheyde) Heureusement nous avions une bonne assurance (du moins je l'espère), la Maïf pour ne pas la nommer. Je compte vivement sur cet assureur pour nous aider à franchir ce mauvais pas, préserver le maximum et rétablir l'habitation le plus vite possible. https://www.bruxelles2.eu/2019/05/11/defense-europeenne-utopie-ou-realite/