Nouvelles

The Canadian Commercial Corporation (CCC) has awarded L3Harris Technologies an eight-year, $380 million indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity (IDIQ) contract to procure Wescam MX-Series products and services in support of global U.S. Army surveillance and targeting operations. The contract enables continued upgrades and support for the U.S. Army's robust installed base of fixed-wing, aerostat and unmanned platforms while supporting expanding Foreign Military Sales requirements. “L3Harris is proud to once again supply its Wescam MX technologies and solutions to the U.S. Army, as it highlights our role as a trusted global supplier of advanced imaging solutions to the defence industry,” said Sean Stackley, president, Integrated Mission Systems, L3Harris. “Through this contract, our highly specialized optics and leading technologies can continue to meet the needs of emerging mission portfolios, including time-sensitive response operations.” L3Harris' Wescam MX-Series products have successfully supported U.S. Army aviation programs for more than two decades. Wescam MX-Series systems have logged over four million hours of combat operations with the U.S. Army and continue to be a resource in on-going global intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance missions. L3Harris' portfolio of Wescam MX-Series systems provide high-precision situational awareness — while delivering an advanced capability to collect critical mission information that assist in overcoming emerging threats. In addition to the U.S. Army, Wescam MX systems are operational within the U.S Navy and Air Force Special Operations Command where they continue to support programs in the fight against global terrorism. The CCC is Canada's government-to-government contracting organization for sales of defence and security technology and expertise from Canada. Each CCC contract provides the U.S. DOD with the Government of Canada's assurance that the contract will be fulfilled in accordance with its terms and conditions. https://www.skiesmag.com/press-releases/l3harris-technologies-awarded-380-million-idiq-contract-for-westcam-mx-series-products-and-support

La hausse fulgurante de la complexité du développement de logiciels pour les avions a expliqué beaucoup de retards et de dépassements de coûts au cours des dernières années. Une entreprise montréalaise, Mannarino, s'y attaque en présentant cette semaine un nouveau système d'exploitation qui pourrait réduire les coûts de moitié. Publié le 21 juillet 2020 à 8h00 Spécialisée en services informatiques, principalement dans le domaine aéronautique, depuis 20 ans, l'entreprise a reçu il y a deux ans un investissement de 10 millions de dollars US provenant de Lockheed Martin afin de concevoir un nouveau système d'exploitation en temps réel (RTOS) à partir d'une page blanche. Le résultat est apparu lundi, jour d'ouverture de la version virtuelle du Salon aéronautique de Farnborough, qui aurait dû avoir lieu cette semaine en banlieue de Londres. Au cours des années, Mannarino a conçu sur commande des logiciels pour le contrôle des moteurs, la gestion de vol, les communications ou le réapprovisionnement en carburant en vol, par exemple. Chaque fois, elle était limitée par la vétusté des systèmes d'exploitation employés. Le système d'exploitation est le logiciel maître, auquel font appel les autres applications, un peu comme Windows dans un ordinateur ou iOS dans un iPhone. Les exigences envers un système installé à bord d'un appareil sont toutefois nettement plus élevées en termes de fiabilité, ce qui en multiplie les coûts. « Le principal commentaire que l'on recevait de nos clients, c'était que ces systèmes étaient trop chers », explique John Mannarino, fondateur de l'entreprise. « Nous essayons de réduire les coûts de 50 %. » Comme ces systèmes n'étaient pas conçus spécialement pour l'aéronautique, et que les volumes sont relativement faibles dans cette industrie, les clients se plaignaient aussi de la pauvre qualité du service qu'ils recevaient, affirme M. Mannarino. Système plus rapide et moins gourmand En partant d'une page blanche, l'entreprise a conçu un système qu'elle estime être deux fois plus rapide et moins gourmand de moitié en mémoire. Il pourra être employé sur tous les types d'appareils, des avions commerciaux aux hélicoptères militaires, en passant par les avions d'affaires et les drones de taille suffisante pour nécessiter une certification. L'un des marchés pour lesquels on anticipe la plus forte demande est celui des drones. John Mannarino, président de Mannarino Les clients principaux du nouveau logiciel seront vraisemblablement des fabricants d'avionique, dont Lockheed Martin. Le géant américain a fourni 10 millions US dans le cadre du programme de contreparties mis en place par le gouvernement fédéral. En vertu de ce programme, les contrats militaires obtenus par des entreprises étrangères doivent faire l'objet de contreparties équivalentes dans l'industrie locale. De l'entente avec Mannarino, Lockheed Martin n'obtient rien de plus que des crédits lui permettant de combler les exigences de ce programme, assure M. Mannarino. Elle n'est pas propriétaire du logiciel et ne détient aucun droit sur lui. Des discussions sont toutefois en cours pour faire de Lockheed Martin un client. Bien que l'entreprise entende d'abord se concentrer sur le marché aéronautique, dans lequel elle a le plus d'expertise, son système d'exploitation sera éventuellement aussi offert dans d'autres industries, dont la santé et le transport ferroviaire, ou même pour des applications industrielles. https://www.lapresse.ca/affaires/entreprises/2020-07-21/un-nouveau-logiciel-montrealais-au-coeur-des-avions.php

Put simply, Canadian governments have a responsibility to practise smart protectionism where the risks to Canadians' personal security and national security are high. Free trade is good economics. Protectionism is bad. Global supply chains are efficient. Favouring domestic goods, services and industries is inefficient. Canada has long adhered to these orthodoxies. And most of the time it makes sense to do so. However, through the COVID-19 pandemic, both the public and private sectors have seen weaknesses associated with heavy or total reliance on foreign sources and global supply chains for essential goods, notably personal protective equipment (PPE). As of June 2, for example, the Government of Canada had ordered close to 122 million N95 masks from international suppliers, yet 12 million had been received and 9.8 million of those failed Canadian standards. We are learning the hard way that foreign sources cannot necessarily supply the products we need in the time, quantity or quality required during a national or global emergency. China, as the dominant global producer of many of these PPE supplies, has become the focal point for an emerging debate around domestic control over certain goods, technologies, and services. A recent report from the Henry Jackson Society in the U.K., for example, has argued the “Five Eyes”—the U.S., U.K., Canada, Australia and New Zealand—are far too reliant on Chinese sources for all kinds of strategically important goods, and that this is a threat to the national security of those countries. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service, too, has warned that Canadian companies that produce certain critical technologies are vulnerable to foreign takeovers by entities with agendas hostile to Canada's interests. This is not just an issue with China, though. In Canada, we like to believe that in national or global crises we can rely on the U.S. or other allies for help. Canada, in other words, would be at or near the front of the line with allies. The COVID-19 pandemic, and the behavior of the U.S. and European countries, suggests this is naive. Italy, a founding EU member, requested and was denied face masks from the EU's stockpile at the peak of their COVID-19 outbreak. In April, a presidential executive order gave the U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency the power to “allocate to domestic use” several types of PPE that would otherwise be exported. U.S. produced masks bound for Germany, a close American ally, were reportedly diverted back while in transit. Ultimately, Canada was exempt from the U.S. order, but this episode should tell us that global emergencies can lead to “home front comes first” attitudes, even among our closest allies. Fundamentally, the issue comes down to one of efficiency versus necessity. Sometimes, in some areas of the economy, security of supply is more important than efficiency. While this thinking is new to most companies and governments in Canada, it is not new to Canadian companies working in defence and national security. The Canadian defence industry has long highlighted the need for focused sovereign production and control in key national security capabilities—in part to ensure security of supply—as our allies in the U.S., Europe and elsewhere have been doing for generations. The argument has fallen largely on deaf ears. There seems to be a greater aversion in Canada to any kind of protectionism than among our more pragmatic allies. There is also a belief that Canada can always rely on obtaining critical supplies from the U.S., owing to both our close trading relationship and bi-lateral defence agreements dating from the 1950s that purport to establish an integrated North American defence industrial base. Canada puts too much faith in these beliefs, to our peril. While we can still hold free trade and integrated global supply chains as the goal, we also need to recognize that this view of the economy does not always serve our national interests. Put simply, Canadian governments have a responsibility to practise smart protectionism where the risks to Canadians' personal security and national security are high. Christyn Cianfarani is president and CEO of the Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries (CADSI). The Hill Times https://www.hilltimes.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/072020_ht.pdf

Stolberg, Germany, July 16, 2020 - CAE today announced that CAE GmbH has been awarded a subcontract from Airbus Defence and Space to support the development of new and upgraded training capabilities for Germany's Eurofighter program. Airbus, acting as the prime contractor for the Eurofighter Pilot Synthetic Training System (PSTS) consortium in Germany, awarded the subcontract to CAE GmbH to support the development of two new Eurofighter full-mission simulators and an upgrade of two existing simulators at the main operating base in Laage. Specifically, CAE will have responsibility for providing the CAE Medallion-6000 visual system and synthetic environment solution for the Eurofighter simulators. “We are pleased to collaborate with Airbus to continue our longstanding support of the German Air Force Eurofighter training program,” said Niels Kröning, General Manager, CAE GmbH. “The new Eurofighter simulators in Laage will expand the distributed mission training capabilities for the German Air Force and enable more advanced training to be conducted in the simulators.” The Eurofighter Pilot Synthetic Training System consortium is the result of a collaboration between the German and Spanish Ministries of Defence. Airbus Defence and Space acts as the prime contractor with CAE and Indra included as industry partners. CAE GmbH also provides on-site maintenance and in-service support services at Laage, Neuburg, Wittmund, and Noervenich, which are the four Eurofighter main operating bases in Germany. About CAE CAE's Defence & Security business unit focuses on helping prepare our customers to develop and maintain the highest levels of mission readiness. We are a world-class training and mission systems integrator offering a comprehensive portfolio of training and operational support solutions across the air, land, sea and public safety market segments. We serve our global defence and security customers through regional operations in Canada; the United States/Latin America; Europe/Middle East; and Asia-Pacific, all of which leverage the full breadth of CAE's capabilities, technologies and solutions. CAE is a global leader in training for the civil aviation, defence and security, and healthcare markets. Backed by a record of more than 70 years of industry firsts, we continue to help define global training standards with our innovative virtual-to-live training solutions to make flying safer, maintain defence force readiness and enhance patient safety. We have the broadest global presence in the industry, with over 10,500 employees, 160 sites and training locations in over 35 countries. Each year, we train more than 220,000 civil and defence crewmembers, including more than 135,000 pilots, and thousands of healthcare professionals worldwide. www.cae.com Follow us on Twitter @CAE_Inc and @CAE_Defence View source version on CAE: https://www.cae.com/news-events/press-releases/cae-gmbh-awarded-subcontract-to-upgrade-training-capabilities-for-german-eurofighter

Nous sommes à la recherche de fournisseurs technologiques qui pourraient répondre aux besoins présentés ci-après. Les compagnies sélectionnées seront alors mis en relation avec le donneur d'ordre pour présenter leur technologie lors d'un webinaire. Tactical Systems Innovative ID Technology Small SWAP cooperative ID Systems Use of Quatum Technologies for secure comms/ID Processing Independent multi-core processing Dal B capability Additional Opportunities: Small efficient GaN transmitters Crypto capability-IP/FPGA-based CSAC Time Standards-Printed Flex Circuits Any technology that could provide SWAP enhancements Mission Computer Product needs and Collaboration Opportunities Innovative Thermal packaging Solutions Additional Opportunities Rugged OpenVPX capability Fast prototyping-switches and processors Cybersecurity and multi-level security Optical ISR Product Needs and Collaboration Opportunities Image Processing Hyperspectral sensors and processing Focus on low cost low SWAP expendable Additional Opportunities for innovative technologies supporting WAMI Enhancement-sensitivity, SWAP, Affordability Focal planes Optical components Beam steering Antenna Product Needs and Collaboration Opportunities Meta-Material Capabilities Reduced profile Wider Bandwidth Increased Radiated power FSS-based metamaterials for cavity resonators RF absorption Patch antennas with better directivity STAP Algorithms Support for controlled radiation pattern antenna products Materials for extreme environment Ultra high temp RF materials Ultra high temp adhesive Thermal protective radome material High tempRF connectors Space Systems Challenge problems Modelling and models for single event effects on semiconductor components space packaging for thermal management, use of non-hermetic packaging in space Rad-tolerant FPGA software-defined radio technology beyond 2012-generation devices small size laser bean director for 100 urad class open loop repeatability low cost precision optical assembly methods for small quantity complex designs suitable for field environmental conditions Communications and Navigation Solutions Technical Challenges Communications in congested spectrum Dynamic spectrum access, interference mitigation (signal processing and nulling) Efficient Use of Processing Resources Dynamic Partial FPGA Reconfiguration, efficient auto code generation Navigation Assured position navigation and timing techniques Networking Technologies Directional networking, mesh networking, network management of Link 16 systems Open architecture systems 3U VPX open architecture hardware, software, and waveforms Other Technologies Link 16 for LEOs, free space optical communications, multi-band power amplifiers for VHF, UHF and L-band Communications, multi-function phased arrays and phased array enabling technologies Si vous pensez avoir les capacités demandées, envoyez vos informations à : Pauline Breyton pauline.breyton@aeromontreal.ca

MANNARINO is revolutionizing aerospace software with a superior RTOS solution that significantly drives down the cost of ownership. M-RTOS is a modular, flexible and affordable operating system for a wide range of aerospace applications, from COTS electronic hardware to federated LRU aircraft systems to IMA platforms. M-RTOS was designed to outperform the competition on all key benchmarks. Join us at Farnborough International Airshow Connect (FIA Connect) on July 20th. Click here to register . DISCOVER MORE ____ FOLLOW US ____ CONTACT US ____ +1 514.381.1360 Mannarino Systems & Software Inc. 100 Alexis-Nihon, Suite 800, St-Laurent, Quebec, H4M 2P4, Canada ©2020 Mannarino Systems & Software Inc. info@mss.ca

Chers utilisateurs, Merci de noter qu'afin d'améliorer la qualité de service de notre portail sécurité défense, nous allons procéder à une mise à jour en date du 27 Juillet 2020. Même si nous tenterons de limiter l'impact sur l'utilisation du portail, il se peut que vous rencontriez des difficultés de connexion à cette date, Nous nous excusons par avance de tout désagrément, Belle journée et au plaisir, L,équipe de SDQuébec

Country's public services, procurement department exercises option to secure additional 5 years of military vehicle support TBB Staff Jul 13, 2020 Mack Defense will continue to provide support services for the Canadian army through 2025. Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC) recently exercised its option to extend the Mack Trucks subsidiary's in-service and support contract for an additional five years, running from 2020 to 2025, and covering more than 1,500 Medium Support Vehicle System (MSVS) Standard Military Pattern (SMP) vehicles. “Mack Defense's MSVS SMP vehicle systems provide critical capabilities that the Canadian Armed Forces depend on,” said David Hartzell, president of Mack Defense. “We look forward to maximizing the uptime of these vehicles as we continue to provide these support services.” The contract covers all MSVS SMP vehicles, trailers and armored protection systems, Mack said, and will enable Mack Defense to provide support services and the provision of spare parts and materials for level one and two maintenance tasks performed by the customer. Equipment requiring in-depth maintenance, such as repair and overhaul activities or warranty repairs, will be handled by a facility in the area of Quebec City, Quebec. Mack Defense will provide support by delivering spare parts to Canadian Forces Depots (CFD) in Edmonton, Alberta and Montreal, Quebec. Mack Defense was awarded two contracts in 2015 valued at $725 million CAD by the Department of Public Works and Government Services Canada (now PSPC), on behalf of the Department of National Defense, to deliver more than 1,500 8x8 MSVS SMP trucks and to provide in-service support for the fleet. The MSVS SMP is available in a number of variants, including cargo, material handling cranes, load handling systems (LHS) and mobile repair trucks (MRT). The 1,587th and final MSVS SMP vehicle was delivered in February 2020. The program also delivered 322 trailers and 161 armored protection system cabs.

By Matthew Fisher Special to Global News Posted July 13, 2020 7:00 am Updated July 13, 2020 11:32 am Those who follow developments in the Indo-Pacific often claim that Australia has a far more robust security posture there than Canada because of geographic necessity. The argument is that Australia must be especially vigilant because China is closer to it than Canada is to China. That perception may partially explain why Australia spends nearly twice as much per capita on defence as Canada does with little public discussion Down Under, let alone complaint. But here's the thing. It depends where you start measuring from, of course, but the idea that Australia is physically closer to China is hokum. By the most obvious measure, Vancouver is 435 kilometres closer to Beijing (actual distance 8,508 km) than Beijing is to Sydney (8,943 km). By another measure, Sydney is only 1,000 km closer to Shanghai than Vancouver is. Mind you, it must also be said that Australia is far more reliant than Canada on trade moving through the South China Sea and the Strait of Malacca. Canada has many more shipping lanes to choose from. Despite their similarly resource-oriented export economies, extreme climates and thin populations, there are startling differences in how Canada and Australia have tackled the security challenges of this century. The standard line from Ottawa these days is that the Canadian government cannot possibly consider any other issue at the moment because the government's entire focus is on coronavirus. Yet faced with the same lethal disease and the horrendous economic fallout and deficits that it's triggered, Australia has found time to address alarming security concerns in the western Pacific. Pushing the COVID-19 calamity aside for a moment, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison declared last week that because it was “a more dangerous world,” his country intended to increase defence spending by as much as 40 per cent, or a whopping $255 billion over the next decade. The money will pay for submarines, greatly improved cyber capabilities, and the establishment of military partnerships with smaller nations in the western Pacific, which are constantly bullied by China. The Canadian government has often seemed paralyzed by the COVID-19 crisis and China's kidnappings of the Two Michaels and has been slow to react to the rapidly changing security environment. This includes not yet banning Huawei's G5 cellular network, as Australia has done. Nor has Ottawa indicated anything about the future of defence spending in an era when Canada's national debt has now ballooned to more than $1 trillion. Faced with similar public health and economic challenges as Canada, Australian diplomats, generals and admirals have recently increased military and trade ties with India and are completing a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with Japan that affords troops from the two countries legal protections and presupposes that they will collaborate more closely with each other in the future. Canberra also inked a deal with Tokyo last week to collaborate on war-fighting in the space domain and closer military ties. Despite complaints of “gross interference” in China's internal affairs by Beijing's foreign ministry, Australia has also agreed to let about 14,000 visitors from Hong Kong extend their visas by five years and will offer an accelerated path for Chinese students to obtain Australian citizenship. Perhaps most alarming from Beijing's point-of-view, the Quad intelligence group, which includes Australia, Japan, India and the U.S., could be about to add a military dimension. Navies from all four countries are expected to take part in joint naval exercises soon in the Indian Ocean. Even before announcing a huge increase, defence spending was already at 1.9 per cent of Australia's GDP. The defence budget in Canada has remained static near 1 per cent for years, despite a pledge to NATO six years ago by former Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper, and repeated several times since by current Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, that defence spending would soar to 2 per cent. As it is, the Australian Defence Force spends about $15 billion a year more on defence than Canada does. That money buys a lot of kit and capability. The ADF has two new fleets of frontline fighter jets, the Super Hornet and the F-35, has attack helicopters and new maritime surveillance aircraft, is building a dozen French-designed attack submarines, and already has two huge, new assault ships and other new warships. The Canadian Armed Forces are a very poor second to Australia with 40-year old CF-18 fighter jets and surveillance aircraft, 30-year old submarines that seldom put to sea and no assault ships or attack helicopters. Aside from the red herring of geographic proximity, there are other factors that account for the stark differences in how Australia and Canada regard defence spending and the threat posed by an ascendant China. Many Canadians believe that the U.S. will protect them so do not see why should they pay more for their own defence. Australia also has a longstanding all-party consensus that national security is a top priority. The two main political parties in Canada regard procurement as football to be kicked around. Neither of them has a declared foreign policy. A cultural contrast is that Canadians have bought into a peacekeeping myth that has never really been true and is certainly not true today, while largely ignoring the wars its troops fought with great distinction in. Australians remain far more focused on recalling what their troops did in the Boer War, the two World Wars and Korea. As well as finally working on some joint defence procurement projects, Canada and Australia should collaborate with each other and other western nations to prevent China from playing them off against each other in trade. For example, Canadian farmers recently grabbed Australia's share of the barley market after China banned Australian barley in response to Canberra's demand for an independent investigation into what Beijing knew and when about COVID-19. The Australians did the same in reverse when Canadian canola was banned by China. Australia has moved to protect what it regards as its national interests by calling out China on human rights and spending much more on defence with little apparent fear as to how China might retaliate. Ottawa has not yet articulated what its interests are and acts as if it is scared at how China might respond if it takes a tougher stance. What must be acknowledged in Ottawa is that the coronavirus has not caused China to abandon or even pause for a moment in pursuit of its goal of shaping a new world order not only in the western Pacific but wherever it can. Australia is seriously upping its game in response. Canada remains silent. Matthew Fisher is an international affairs columnist and foreign correspondent who has worked abroad for 35 years. You can follow him on Twitter at @mfisheroverseas https://globalnews.ca/news/7161890/commentary-canada-should-follow-australias-example-in-defence-foreign-policy/