16 mai 2018 | International, Aérospatial

L’offre française pour remplacer les F-16 laisse le gouvernement sur sa faim

Le ministère de la Défense a réservé un accueil assez froid, voire distant, à la proposition de «partenariat approfondi et structurant» fondé sur l'avion de combat Rafale réitérée par la France à la Belgique.

Une délégation de membres du cabinet de la ministre française des Armées, Florence Parly, a eu l'occasion, pour la première fois en huit mois, de venir détailler auprès de ses homologues belges, l «offre française» de partenariat «approfondi et structurant» fondé sur l'avion de combat Rafale – hors de l'appel d'offres officiel lancé en mars 2017 pour l'achat de 34 chasseurs-bombardiers de nouvelle génération.

Cette rencontre a eu lieu «à la demande du Premier ministre» Charles Michel, qui souhaite disposer de tous les éléments nécessaires à une prochaine décision du gouvernement belge, a-t-on indiqué de sources gouvernementales.

Mais «on n'a rien entendu de nouveau par rapport à la lettre reçue (de Mme Parly, NDLR) le 6 septembre 2017. Il n'y a rien de plus concret», a expliqué la porte-parole du ministre belge de la Défense, Steven Vandeput, Laurence Mortier.

L'entourage de M. Vandeput (N-VA) a confirmé à l'agence Belga être intéressé par une éventuelle participation au programme de Système de combat aérien du futur (Scaf) européen, actuellement négocié entre la France et l'Allemagne, tout en étant ouvert à d'autres partenaires.

Sur base de l'analyse des deux offres considérées comme juridiquement valables après réponse à l'appel d'offres (en jargon, un «Request for Government Proposal» ou RfGP) lancé en mars 2017, et de la – très vague – offre française, l'équipe de programme doit faire une recommandation au ministre de la Défense. Les deux candidats qui ont remis des offres en bonne et due forme sont les États-Unis avec le F-35 Lightning II du groupe Lockheed Martin et l'Eurofighter Typhoon du consortium européen éponyme.

Le dossier complet, avec les aspects économiques, sera ensuite soumis au gouvernement fédéral.

La Défense espère toujours une décision finale avant le sommet de l'OTAN des 11 et 12 juillet prochains, pour permettre à la Belgique d'y faire – relativement – bonne figure en dépit de ses faibles dépenses en matière de défense.

http://www.lavenir.net/cnt/dmf20180516_01171480/l-offre-francaise-pour-remplacer-les-f-16-laisse-le-gouvernement-sur-sa-faim

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  • Opinion: Why Interest On Federal Debt Matters For Defense

    6 juillet 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Opinion: Why Interest On Federal Debt Matters For Defense

    Byron Callan June 30, 2020 The COVID-19 pandemic has stoked consternation that U.S. defense spending is going to be significantly pressured in the 2020s. Congress will likely stick to the $740.5 billion defense discretionary top line agreed to in last year's budget deal for fiscal 2021. But the combination of trillions more in federal debt from higher spending and lower tax receipts this year and next and the probability that there will be future federal spending to better prepare for pandemics raise a higher probability of defense spending pressure. “Flat” was already the new “up,” but “flat” now may be a budget that does not keep pace with annual inflation. The fears may be that defense spending will decline in the 2020s after a couple of good years of largesse from Congress and the White House. Despite trillions in additional deficits and federal borrowing in 2020-21, there is one bright spot that indicates less dire defense spending pressures than now perceived—the interest on the federal debt. U.S. federal debt is comprised of debt held by the public and intragovernmental debt, which is owned by different federal trust funds, the largest of which is Social Security. As of May, total debt held by the public was $19.8 trillion, and intragovernmental debt was another $6 trillion. Often, these two sums are lumped together, but they should be treated separately. The interest paid on debt held by the public is dispersed by the Treasury in the form of outlays to the owners of that debt. The interest paid on intragovernmental debt is, in essence, interest the federal government pays itself. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB), in its annual projections of outlays, breaks out these two components of interest outlays to show net interest outlays. This is mandatory spending, and so it has been paid along with the other mandatory and discretionary funding the U.S. federal government provides. One of the silver linings of the pandemic has been the Federal Reserve's aggressive lowering of interest rates. This makes federal debt more affordable, much in the way that a lower interest rate on a home mortgage can make a place to live more affordable. The OMB projections released in February showed net interest outlays of $378 billion for fiscal 2021 rising to $665 billion by 2030. One could take issue with the deficit projections behind these outlay projects, as they may have rested on GDP growth expectations that were too optimistic and nondefense spending cuts that were not going to be realized. However, dividing interest outlays on debt held by the public by debt projections implied an interest rate of 3% or more over the forecast period. The pandemic has trashed those rate projections. Federal debt held by the public is offered in different maturities. Treasury bills, which mature in a year or less as of May, were 23% of the total debt held by the public. Treasury notes that mature in 1-10 years were 51%, and bonds that mature in 10-30 years were 12%. (There is another 10% of other Treasury instruments.) Rates now are much lower, although clearly that would only matter for new debt that is issued by the Treasury. The rate on a 90-day Treasury bill is currently 0.13%. On a five-year note, it is 0.33%, and on the 10-year note, 0.69%. The 30-year note rate is 1.4%. This implies that interest outlay projections should be declining, although new projections may have to wait until the White House releases its 2022 fiscal budget request and out-year projections, presumably in February-March 2021. Net interest outlays could be at least $100 billion less in 2022-23 than the February 2020 projections on higher debt but lower rates. In the scheme of total federal outlays, which the OMB projected to be $4.8 trillion for 2021, $100 billion is not a lot, but it indicates there is a bit more headroom for defense spending and other nondefense discretionary spending than a focus on federal debt alone might suggest. Federal infrastructure spending could be one area of more traction in the 2020s, and the issue of social justice may also spur more demand for federal resources. One outcome of the pandemic, however, will be to make defense expectations more sensitive to interest rate expectations. It is not too difficult to project scenarios with rising debt and interest rates that increase to more “normal” levels. The pandemic also underscores that the unthinkable should be given a bit more room on long-term projections. It is quite conceivable that a major military conflict, a massive natural disaster or another economic contraction could further add to federal debt in the 2020s. https://aviationweek.com/defense-space/budget-policy-operations/opinion-why-interest-federal-debt-matters-defense

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    3 décembre 2021 | International, Aérospatial

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