24 septembre 2019 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité
By Dominik Kimla and Hamilton Cook Posted September 19, 2019 In White Papers
One of the more dissonant aspects of NATO field exercises is, three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the continued presence of Warsaw Pact weapons and equipment: Soviet-made T-series tanks, MiG fighters, Mi-17 helicopters, BM-21 rocket artillery, and more.
Like their western counterparts on the continent, Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) states have repeatedly delayed needed recapitalization as defense needs gave way to domestic imperatives. But times – and threat assessments – are changing.
By our analysis, cumulative CEE defense spending will be nearly $200 billion over the next five years, growing by nearly five percent per year. More than a quarter of that total, some $53 billion, will be spent on defense hardware procurement.
This represents a rare opportunity for Western defense firms – European and American – to seize a first-mover advantage. However, US companies must find new ways to credibly differentiate themselves from European competitors that may offer more financial and industrial incentives (and fewer regulatory hassles) in the long run.
Currently, US companies are well positioned for success as more aggressive US government advocacy has led to recent CEE customer wins for Black Hawk helicopters (Latvia, Poland, Slovakia), F-16 fighters (Bulgaria, Slovakia), HIMARS (Poland, Romania), JLTV (Lithuania), and Patriot AMD systems (Poland, Romania).
The US effort to steer CEE weapons-buying decisions picked up further momentum last year with the State Department-led European Recapitalization Incentive Program (ERIP), which provided $190 million in financing assistance to five Balkan countries (along with Slovakia) to replace ex-Soviet and Yugoslav-made equipment.
Even as ERIP expands, American companies will still have plenty of obstacles ahead. Historically, the limited new weapons procurement in most CEE countries included minimal offset or local industrialization requirements.
Going forward, reporting suggests that CEE countries, even as small as Croatia or Slovenia, will demand some form of local industrial participation and technology cooperation to develop their indigenous capabilities. This puts American firms at a disadvantage given the US government's still-stringent technology transfer regime.
Western European companies will differentiate themselves by proposing generous technology and work-sharing transfers, integrating local defense companies into their supply chains, and setting up a pan-European Defense Industrial Base.
The European Defense Fund (EDF) will fuel this by providing up to €13 billion over the next eight years to cultivate and secure these local ties. By financing collaborative R&D projects, prototype development, and disruptive, higher-risk defense innovation, the EDF will entrench Western European companies in CEE defense establishments over the medium to long term.
Yet, from the perspective of vulnerable members on NATO's eastern flank, only the US has the political power and defense capabilities to counter Russian meddling and aggression.
Given the ambivalence of Western European powers about confronting Russia, and the appearance of oft-fluctuating US commitment to NATO, CEE nations may see buying American not only as a means to get best-in-class (but more costly) weapons, but also as a binding mechanism to enhance US political and military commitment.
This dynamic was most vividly illustrated with Poland as it announced its intention to pursue the F-35, a platform historically out of Poland's “price range.” The purchase was also one of three major cornerstones for ensuring US investment in Polish security. The others were Poland's procurement of Patriot AMD systems and its agreement to – and its offer to fund – enduring US basing in-country.
However, Poland will still expect significant local industrial benefit as part of any arms transaction, as defense acquisitions continue to be as much a political and (parochial) economic exercise as a military one.
European firms have not stood idly by while the US competitors have targeted the region though, and they have gained their own CEE foothold. They have found success by targeting countries like Hungary, who recently purchased helicopters from Airbus along with tanks and howitzers from KMW.
While this is smaller than recent US sales, Western European contractors have an advantage: time. Every programmatic delay buys more time for the EDF to mature, extend its tendrils into every Western European foothold in the region, and bring the promise of increased industrial participation.
Thus, absent a dramatic softening of the US tech transfer regime, American contractors will need to push for more creative ways to provide credible differentiation from Western European competitors.
First, they can take advantage of the upcoming eastern shift of US operations in the region and establish logistics and maintenance centers that are able to serve both a country's new equipment and US forces in region, in a model similar to the F-35's maintenance depots in Australia, Japan, and the United Kingdom. This expands NATO's operational support footprint into the region and grants CEE countries access to a much larger sustainment enterprise.
Second, American firms should push for more aggressive releases of Excess Defense Articles. While older, this equipment still represents a substantial increase in military capability that many CEE countries otherwise could not afford.
This has been seen in Croatia, where 16 retired OH-58 Kiowa Warriors are providing the country with new capabilities it could not afford (and now cannot afford to replace) and a pair of UH-60Ms donated to the Croatia Special Forces have introduced the platform to the Croatian military ahead of an eventual Mi-8/17 replacement program. These introductions induct CEE customers to US-style CONOPS and equipping standards that increase switching-costs to European competitors.
Finally, American contractors should extol the wider advantages of buying into the US defense enterprise. The opportunity to tap into the extensive US training enterprise during and after the acquisition process would be a boon to CEE nations overhauling their militaries.
While this has most recently been highlighted by international F-35 customers conducting their initial training at Luke Air Force Base amid the expansive Western US training range infrastructure, it is an opportunity that can be granted to non-Air Force customers, particularly given the establishment of a new Combat Training Center in Drawsko Pomorskie, Poland.
Meanwhile, the Foreign Military Sales process grants international contractors access to DoD buying power, not only for the acquisition itself, but also for the all-critical procurement of spare parts and weapons reloads decades down the line.
As they pursue long-overdue military modernization CEE countries will have to balance competing economic, political, and security imperatives. While going with US defense prime contractors provides top-tier capability and stronger ties with the only NATO member that can credibly deter Russian military adventurism, Western European firms will offer the lure of technology sharing and a more lucrative package for local industry. How CEE nations strike that balance will shape the military-political alignment of Europe's eastern flank for the next generation.
https://www.avascent.com/news-insights/white-papers/defense-firms-angle-for-eastern-europe/
16 décembre 2021 | International, Aérospatial
BAE Systems will upgrade the F-35’s electronic warfare system for the jet’s Block 4 upgrade under a $493 million contract.
11 novembre 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité
By: Joe Gould , Valerie Insinna , David B. Larter , Andrew Eversden , and Nathan Strout   WASHINGTON ― Senate Republicans on Tuesday introduced a governmentwide, $1.4 trillion spending package, with $696 billion for defense, teeing up negotiations in Congress' tense lame-duck session ― and several fights with House Democrats. The government is operating on a stopgap continuing resolution, or CR, through Dec. 11, and Congress must either pass a deal, or another funding patch, to avoid a government shutdown in the middle of a turbulent presidential transition. A separate COVID-19 relief effort and the annual defense policy bill are also on Capitol Hill's busy to-do list. The Senate must reconcile its long-awaited package of 12 bills with the House, which passed its own bills in July. The Senate's GOP-drafted defense language for fiscal 2021 differs from the House version on the number of Lockheed Martin-made F-35 Joint Strike Fighters to order and funding for a space-based sensor. Compared to the House bill, the Senate version also calls for one fewer Virginia-class submarine and $19 million more in funding for next-generation 5G networks. Though the Senate bill was mostly bipartisan and Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman Richard Shelby, R-Ala., expressed confidence in an eventual deal, the atmosphere for compromise is unclear. The post-election period remains white hot politically, as Republican leaders back President Donatl Trump in his legal challenges of President-elect Joe Biden's electoral win, and as two races to determine control of the Senate face January runoffs. On Tuesday, Democrats chided Republicans over the long-stalled bills. Stopping short of endorsing the effort, Senate Appropriations Committee Vice Chairman Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., criticized the legislation for ignoring the country's COVID-19 relief needs, shortchanging safety net programs and the environment, and wasting money on Trump's border wall. The House passed its $694.6 billion Pentagon spending bill for fiscal 2021 in July as part of a $1.3 trillion package. It included politically charged provisions to set aside $1 million for the Army to rename 10 bases that honor Confederate leaders and to bar the Trump administration from using more Pentagon funds on border wall construction. It would reduce transfer authority from the requested $9.5 billion to $1.9 billion, and place additional oversight mechanisms on the Defense Department's ability to reprogram funds. Here's what stood out in the Senate GOP's latest proposal: Air warfare: The Senate panel would fund a total of 96 F-35s in FY21, 17 jets more than the Pentagon's request and five more than the panel's House counterpart. Its bill added about $1.7 billion for 12 F-35As for the Air Force and five F-35Cs for the Marine Corps and Navy. Though the bill fully funds the B-21 bomber program, many of the Air Force's other major development programs received slight cuts. Funding for one of its biggest priorities, the Advanced Battle Management System, shrank from $302 million to $208 million. The committee cited “poor justification” as a reason for the cuts. The Air Force's Next Generation Air Dominance program also would take a hit despite the headline-grabbing first flight of a full-scale demonstrator aircraft, which was disclosed by the service in September. The Air Force wanted $1 billion in FY21 to continue development of NGAD ― a suite of manned and unmanned air superiority technologies that could include a sixth-generation fighter. However, the committee shaved about $70 million off the request. Naval warfare: The bill provides money to buy nine ships, though some argue it's only eight because the LPD-17 was already procured. The total comes to roughly $21.35 billion, or $1.44 billion more than the president's request, but less than the House bill. The ships include one attack submarine (one less than the House bill but a match to what the administration requested), a Constellation-class frigate, two destroyers, and two towing and salvage ships. The Senate bill also calls for nine P-8A Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft and four E-2D Advanced Hawkeyes, as well as 24 F/A-18 Super Hornet fighters. 5G technology: The bill fully funded the Pentagon's $449 million budget request for defensewide 5G projects, $19 million more than the House. In their budget justification, House appropriators cited “historical underexecution” for its $430 million recommended allocation. The Pentagon is working with industry on multiple ongoing 5G experiments that are underway at military bases across the country. The department recently awarded $600 million in contracts for the effort. Satellites: The bill also adds to frustrations expressed by members of the House at how a new constellation of hypersonic weapon-tracking satellites will be funded. While technically a Missile Defense Agency program, former Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering Mike Griffin pushed for the Hypersonic Ballistic Tracking Space Sensor, or HBTSS, to be funded through the Space Development Agency. Leaders of both agencies have insisted that the program remains under MDA's ownership, but legislators have expressed concern over the arrangement and the low level of funding set aside for it. No money was set aside for HBTSS in MDA's budget, while the Space Development Agency's budget included $20 million for the critical sensor. In June, the House Armed Services Committee's' strategic forces subpanel threatened to transfer MDA away from the undersecretary of defense for research and engineering, placing it instead under the undersecretary of defense for acquisition and sustainment. While the Senate bill doesn't go that far, it does add an additional $140 million in unrequested funding for HBTSS, including a $20 million transfer from the Space Development Agency. Furthermore, senators demanded the agencies report on their acquisition strategy for HBTSS and fully fund the program in their future budget proposals. https://www.defensenews.com/congress/2020/11/10/gop-unveils-14t-spending-bill-with-696b-for-defense/
27 janvier 2021 | International, Aérospatial
West Palm Beach, Fla., January 25, 2021 /PRNewswire/ -- Sikorsky, a Lockheed Martin Company (NYSE: LMT), and Boeing (NYSE: BA) today released details of its advanced helicopter for the U.S. Army's Future Long-Range Assault Aircraft competition, known as FLRAA. The aircraft, named DEFIANT X, will be the fastest, most maneuverable and most survivable assault helicopter in history. Combined with the team's unsurpassed experience in mission systems, training and sustainment, it will revolutionize the way the Army meets threats in 2035 and beyond. DEFIANT X is a complete weapon system that builds on the handling qualities and transformational capabilities proven by the team's technology demonstrator, SB>1 DEFIANT®. With unmatched range and survivability, DEFIANT X will change the way the Army fights – enabling crews to fly low and fast through complex terrain, land quickly, deliver Soldiers and equipment to the objective area (referred to as "the X") and get out. DEFIANT X flies twice as far and fast as the venerable Black Hawk® helicopter it is designed to replace. Currently undergoing testing in a digital combat environment, the aircraft continues to prove itself the most survivable platform for mission requirements. "We are ready to deliver unparalleled capabilities backed by proven technologies that will truly transform the Army's mission today, with room to grow and adapt to the missions of tomorrow," said Andy Adams, Sikorsky vice president of Future Vertical Lift. "DEFIANT X not only includes the transformational aircraft – a maneuverable, survivable, lethal weapon system – it also leverages Sikorsky's and Boeing's advanced manufacturing capabilities." With its rigid coaxial rotor system and pusher propeller, DEFIANT X incorporates Sikorsky X2 Technology™ to operate at high speeds while maintaining low-speed handling qualities. This critical capability provides Soldiers with increased maneuverability and survivability in high-threat air defense environments, allowing them to penetrate enemy defenses while reducing exposure to enemy fire. Compared to SB>1 DEFIANT, the DEFIANT X airframe has enhancements to improve aerodynamics and reduce the thermal signature. "DEFIANT X is purpose-built for a modernized Army that requires expanded reach, survivability and lethality," said Steve Parker, vice president and general manager of Boeing Vertical Lift. "This weapon system will give Soldiers unequaled technological advantage and connectivity over adversaries in a multi-domain battle space." DEFIANT X will revolutionize the Army's air assault capability with limited changes in tactics, techniques, procedures, training and infrastructure while maintaining the Black Hawk helicopter footprint and tight formation capability flown today. The Army is expected to release a request for proposal on FLRAA later this year, with a contract award expected in 2022. About Sikorsky and Boeing Together, Sikorsky and Boeing have built 90 percent of the U.S. Army's current military rotorcraft and have totaled more than 15 million flight hours. We're the team that has brought forward iconic military rotorcraft including: Black Hawk, Chinook and Apache. The iconic UH-60 Black Hawk has proven itself to be the premiere assault platform in the world and DEFIANT X will bring the next level of capability that the Future Long-Range Assault Aircraft requires. Learn More: www.lockheedmartin.com/defiantx and www.boeing.com/defiantx View source version on Lockheed Martin: https://news.lockheedmartin.com/2021-01-25-Sikorsky-Boeing-Team-Reveals-Advanced-Assault-Helicopter-Designed-to-Revolutionize-U-S-Army-Capabilities