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La Direction générale de l'armement a inauguré le 19 décembre 2019 sur son centre d'expertise et d'essais Techniques aéronautiques à Balma (proche de Toulouse) un cluster d'innovation technique de défense dans le domaine de l'aéromobilité. Baptisé CI-AILE, ce cluster a été créé en associant quatre partenaires régionaux fondateurs : la DGA, l'armée de Terre, l'institut supérieur de l'aéronautique et de l'espace (ISAE-SUPAERO) et la communauté défense du pôle Aerospace Valley dans les régions Occitanie et Nouvelle Aquitaine. Le cluster CI-AILE a pour objectif de détecter, orienter et expérimenter les innovations portées par les acteurs régionaux afin de faire émerger de nouvelles solutions technologiques pour la défense dans le domaine de l'aéromobilité en lien avec l'Agence de l'innovation de défense (AID). Basé en région Occitanie, il pourra bénéficier d'un écosystème riche dans le domaine aéronautique et en particulier dans celui de l'aéromobilité, tout en restant ouvert à des partenariats avec des acteurs implantés dans d'autres régions de France. Le comité stratégique de CI-AILE est co-présidé par le directeur du centre d'expertise et d'essais DGA Techniques aéronautiques, le sous-chef d'état-major plans et programmes de l'armée de Terre, le directeur général de l'institut supérieur de l'aéronautique et de l'espace . Son comité de pilotage comprend un représentant de chaque membre fondateur. Ce nouveau cluster s'inscrit dans l'effort global du ministère des Armées en faveur du soutien à l'innovation, coordonné par l'Agence de l'innovation de défense en lien étroit avec la DGA. CI-AILE est un partenariat dont le fonctionnement repose sur un comité stratégique qui donne les orientations du cluster et un comité de pilotage qui anime et conduit les ateliers technico-opérationnels. Le comité de pilotage de ce cluster est constitué de personnels de DGA Techniques aéronautiques, de la 11e brigade parachutiste basée à Toulouse, du commandement des forces spéciales terre basé à Pau, de l'ISAE-SUPAERO et d'Aerospace Valley. Il se réunira pour la première fois en janvier 2020. Les périmètres attendus de l'innovation dans le domaine de l'aéromobilité sont la captation et l'évaluation de technologies innovantes dans les domaines : - du parachutage de combattants de l'armée de Terre et d'équipements, de mise à terre à partir d'aéronefs (aérolargage, aérocordage...) - de l'embarquement sur aéronefs (voilure fixe et tournante) de combattants de l'armée de Terre et d'équipements (aérotransport, aérocordage...) - de l'équipement du combattant débarqué et embarqué, toutes fonctions opérationnelles confondues, et de son adaptation aux contraintes du parachutiste - des méthodes et des moyens d'essais et de la R&T dans le domaine de l'aéromobilité. Cinq clusters d'innovation techniques ont déjà été créés en 2019 par la DGA autour de ses centres d'expertise et d'essais, CI-AILE étant le sixième : ALIENOR à Saint-Médard-en-Jalles dans le domaine aérospatial GIMNOTE à Toulon et ORION à Brest pour le domaine des techniques navales GINCO à Vert-le-Petit (Essonne) dans le domaine de la maitrise des techniques nucléaire, radiologique, biologique et chimique LAHITOLLE à Bourges dans le domaine des techniques terrestres. https://www.defense.gouv.fr/dga/actualite/la-dga-lance-ci-aile-un-cluster-d-innovation-technique-de-defense-dans-le-domaine-de-l-aeromobilite

By Charlie Pinkerton; iPolitics Published on Jan 2, 2020 3:02pm Although Canada's defence minister has been tasked with working toward creating a new defence procurement agency to improve the country's often slow-moving system for purchasing military equipment, there's no clear timeline for when the new body will be put in place. In the mandate letter addressed to him by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and published last month, Harjit Sajjan was told that part of his job in this Parliament will be to “bring forward analyses and options for the creation of Defence Procurement Canada,” which the Liberals promised to advance toward in this mandate while they campaigned in the fall's election. “A lot of work has already started on (Defence Procurement Canada) and the goal of this is to make sure that we get the procurement projects done as quickly as possible to make sure the Canadian Armed Forces has what they need,” Sajjan told iPolitics the day before his mandate letter was released. Sajjan also said the Department of National Defence (DND), Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada and Public Services and Procurement Canada still need to complete “more work” before a timeline for the creation of the new procurement agency would be set. Some of the first steps of the Trudeau government to improve Canada's military procurement system was in transferring the responsibility of military procurements to being managed internally at DND. When the Liberals published its overhauled defence policy in June 2017, DND said that 70 per cent of procured projects were being delivered past their deadlines. “Cumbersome decision making and approval processes have introduced undue delays. Accountability among departments has been diffuse and at times unclear,” says the Liberals' defence policy (it's titled Strong, Secure, Engaged). As a response, the defence policy declared that DND would internally manage the contracts of all projects of under $5 million — an initiative which it said would reduce departmental approval times by 50 per cent for 80 per cent of all contracts. The defence policy is intended to lead how Canada's military operates beyond this decade. At the same time as developing the new agency for military procurement projects, Sajjan has also been tasked with choosing which company the government will choose to pay almost $20 billion to build Canada's next generation fleet of fighter jets. According to the current timeline laid out by the Canadian Armed Forces, the government will receive the final bid proposals from the three companies it deemed in 2018 as being capable of meeting Canada's needs (which includes Saab, Lockheed Martin and Boeing) early in 2020. If it sticks to its timeline, the government will pick which company will be its fighter jet provider by next year and will receive the first next generation jet as early as 2025. Sajjan's mandate letter includes another procurement-related list item; he's also tasked with advancing the renewal of Canada's naval fleet. There are four major navy procurement projects that are nearing their conclusion. Canada is buying new surface combatants, new Arctic and offshore patrol ships, new joint patrol ships and retrofitting its 12 frigates. The combined cost of these projects is expected to cost taxpayers more than $83 billion. Investments in procured projects account for a large portion of the $32 billion jump in annual defence spending that Canada is planning for by 2027. If achieved in that year, Canada's defence spending as it relates to a portion of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) would equal about 1.4 per cent. Canada currently spends just over 1.3 per cent of its GDP on its military two years ago. It has pledged to NATO to work toward spending two per cent of its GDP on its military, which is a common goal amongst allied countries. Over the past few years, U.S. President Donald Trump has repeatedly called on Canada to increase its military spending to surpass two per cent of GDP. Global News reported less than a month ago that Canada had multibillion-dollar discrepancies in the last two years in how much it planned to spend on its military and how much it actually spent. According to documents obtained by the publication, it had a discrepancy of $2.29 billion in military spending in 2017-2018 and a shortfall of $4.45 billion in spending last year, compared to what it outlined in its defence policy.

Article by Marcia Mills and Paul Burbank Capital Perspectives Last Updated: January 3 2020 The issues surrounding defence acquisition took a backseat in the run up to the 2019 federal election. As noted by the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, this occurred despite the fact that two of the largest defence procurements in Canadian history – the Canadian Surface Combatants (warships) project and the Future Fighter Capability Program (fighter jets) – are in active procurement mode, spending is falling short of forecast and roughly 70 per cent of the approved projects under the 2017 implementation of the Strong, Secure, Engaged Defence Policy have seen schedule delays 1. Canadian defence procurement is a many-layered affair. Spread across three departments and a central agency (the Department of National Defence; Public Procurement and Services Canada; Innovation, Science and Economic Development; and Treasury Board, respectively), the need to coordinate and align this much bureaucracy is often viewed as one of the significant problems in defence procurement. The two main political parties offered very different solutions to these issues during the election, but provided few details. The Platforms The Conservatives focused on the need to "de-politicize" the procurement process, which would in turn deliver greater value for money and better resources for the Canadian military. To accomplish this, new oversight mechanisms, both in Cabinet and in the Privy Council Office, would be created. 2 Major defence procurements are already subject to oversight by the Defence Procurement Secretariat, a Deputy Ministers Governance Committee and a Ministers Working Group. It is not entirely clear how additional layers of oversight would reduce delay and improve efficiencies, unless the new mechanisms replaced all or some of the current oversight layers. The Liberal platform included a portion on defence procurement that pointed to the creation of "Defence Procurement Canada," to ensure defence projects were delivered on time and with greater transparency. The structure of Defence Procurement Canada was not explained. A bit of speculation is now in order as to what this could mean for defence procurement. The New Cabinet The Liberals formed a minority government and announced their new Cabinet on Nov. 20. While the Ministers of Defence (Harjit Sajjan) and Innovation, Science and Economic Development (Navdeep Bains) remain the same, Treasury Board has a new President and Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC) has a new Minister – Jean-Yves Duclos and Anita Anand, respectively. Treasury Board President Duclos moves from a smaller, specific portfolio within Employment and Social Development Canada to now preside over one of the federal government's most powerful central agencies and cabinet committees. He will have a considerable role in ensuring effective financial management and government spending. Minister Anand is a new face in Cabinet and a first-time Member of Parliament for the riding of Oakville, Ont. She is assuming responsibility for, amongst other things, the two single largest purchasing organizations in the federal government (PSPC and Shared Services Canada (SSC)). Going Forward Defence procurement in Canada follows a general ebb and flow – resources are increased during times of conflict and are reduced in times of peace. Restructuring occurs in response to these influences, as well as perceived redundancies, desired efficiencies and the odd scandal or two. Various Minsters and departments have been responsible for defence procurement and production over the past 100 years, including boards or commissions set up during times of war. A new independent department for defence procurement would result in three different departments (SSC, PSPC and the Defence Procurement Canada) managing the vast majority of federal acquisition. This approach would be similar to the stand up of the Department of Defence Production in the '50s. The DDP had a short life. Established in 1951, it was expanded to become the central purchasing organization in 1963 as an interim measure, then disbanded in 1969 with the establishment of the Department of Supply and Services. The amalgamations of various entities continued until 1993, with the creation of the Department of Public Works and Government Services (a.k.a. PSPC). PSPC operates as a central purchasing agent for the government, with exclusive authority under the Defence Production Act to acquire defence supplies for DND. If Defence Procurement Canada is to exist as a departmental corporation or agency, the government would want to launch this new entity early in its mandate so that it can lay claim to any degree of efficiency or success achieved. If so, the new entity would likely remain within PSPC, as the Minister has existing statutory authority to create a supporting departmental corporation or agency under the Defence Production Act. Creating this entity outside of PSPC's current authority would require a significant reorganization of the public service and change to the operations of government of a magnitude greater than that required to establish Shared Services Canada – this would include deciding whether to maintain or decentralize the functions of defence procurement and defence production, as well as significant statutory amendments to provide or reduce, as required, the authority of all Ministers involved. Ministerial mandate letters, which were released in mid-December, shed no additional light on the specific operational structure or corporate identity that Defence Procurement Canada is expected to take. Notable in these letters, however, is a prevailing theme: Minister Anand has the clear responsibility for bringing forward options to Cabinet, but that effort will be supported by a host of respected, senior ministers, including Minister Sajjan (National Defence), Minister Jordan (Fisheries & Oceans and the Canadian Coast Guard), and Minister Bains (Innovation, Science and Industry). As all of these Ministries are already involved in defence procurement, their continued support is not surprising. Throughout the history of defence acquisition and production in Canada, large-scale reorganization has been predicated by one of three events: war, post-war reconstruction or scandal. Absent one of these triggers, a minority government may have little appetite (or be able to drum up support from any other party) to stand up a wholly new department, or even a departmental corporation or agency within PSPC itself, on the basis of efficiency and economy alone, particularly in light of the on-going Phoenix debacle and the continued issues at Shared Services Canada. As no new Minister for Defence Procurement Canada was named in the new Cabinet nor were any Additional Ministers within PSPC named for defence or Defence Procurement Canada, it appears that, at least for now, any defence acquisition reorganization is likely to remain on the backburner. Marcia Mills is procurement counsel with the Fasken Ottawa office and has 20+ years of private and public sector experience. She provides clients with legal and strategic advice for all aspects of government procurement, as well as advice on government policies and procurement processes. Paul Burbank is an associate with the Fasken Ottawa office. He works with the Communications Law group to provide advice on telecommunications and broadcasting in Canada. Paul also works with Fasken's Government Relations and Political Law group on strategy and compliance matters. Footnotes 1 The Defence Procurement Outlook for Canada's 43rd Parliament by David Perry, The Global Exchange, 2019 Volume XVII, Issue III; Canadian Global Affairs Institute 2 Global News: With billions at risk, federal parties promise to fix defence, procurement

by Chris Thatcher; Skies Magazine Posted on December 24, 2019 When the Aerospace Industries Association of Canada in June released its blueprint for the next five years, Vision 2025: Charting a New Course, support for small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) was one of its core themes. Small companies make up over 90 per cent of the sector and the report argued for greater government support to help them scale up, generate more jobs, and enhance their global competitiveness. That could include new funding to pursue digital business transformation, a reduction in the complexity of government contracting, and greater priority in the value propositions of prime contractors chasing defence procurements. “If our small- and mid-sized companies are left at risk, the negative impacts will be felt across Canada's aerospace industry as a whole,” according to the report, prepared by Jean Charest, a former premier of Quebec and deputy prime minister of Canada. Small companies are viewed as the prime creators of aerospace jobs and, in a sector buffeted by changing technology and new players, many may be more agile and better able to adapt than larger counterparts that must answer to corporate headquarters outside of Canada. But support from original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) and governments is essential to their survival, according to a panel of SMEs at the Canadian Aerospace Summit in November. There is no one-size-fits-all to helping SMEs scale up. Companies at different stages of growth require different types of support, they noted. But help with skilled labour shortages and easier access to government programs are common challenges for all. A solid position on a major platform is critical to initial success, but long-term growth requires diversification, observed Barney Bangs, chief executive officer of Tulmar Safety Systems. Located between Ottawa and Montreal in the small community of Hawkesbury, Ont., the company manufactures protective and safety equipment, associated components and in-flight training products. Traditionally, its focus has been 80 per cent defence — Tulmar has been a supplier to a military platform for over 25 years and benefitted from a strong aftermarket. In recent years, though, the company has sought a better balance between military and commercial customers. “As of last year, we were 65 per cent defence and 35 per cent (civilian) aerospace,” he said. Tulmar has also become more of what he called “a solution provider,” integrating components from other suppliers to provide an OEM with a final, certified piece of equipment such as an aircraft seat rather than just the safety harness or seatbelt. “We are doing more in-house and saving customer-costs for the OEM,” said Bangs. Diversification has also been a priority for Apex Industries, a machining, components, subassembly and structures manufacturer in Moncton, N.B. Twelve years ago, its aerospace business was five per cent defence and 95 per cent civil, much of it geared to Bell Helicopter and Bombardier. “We made a conscious effort to diversify into the military side a lot more,” said vice-president Keith Donaldson. “We are very conscious of not allowing our sales to go too high on one platform or with one customer.” Challenged by cost-savings pressures in commercial aviation contracts, military platforms offer a company like APEX “good visibility,” he said. However, militaries have long been trading quantity for technological superiority, meaning fewer platforms and a relatively short production cycle. And ramping up quickly with people and equipment to meet tight delivery schedules is a challenge for small businesses that need other options to justify and sustain the investment when the contract ends. “It is very tough for a SME like ourselves to invest.” However, defence procurement and government programs can go a long way to supporting the scale-up of SMEs, said Patrick Mann, president of Patlon Aircraft & Industries, a technical sales force for global manufacturers of custom components and systems. The scale-up program must be run by single entity within government committed to the Canadian SME community that would be “funded, independent and have the authority to make decisions.” Mann suggested coping what has worked well in other jurisdictions, noting the success of the United States Small Business Administration's set-aside program. “Within that, there is a small business innovation research program which has been highly successful in scaling up SMEs,” he said. The Vision 2025 report called for a federal scale-up program to “provide advice, coaching, networking, value proposition development and consortium-building support to incentivize growth and build capacity–helping firms expand their global footprints and giving them the means and maturity to support OEMs effectively.” The report recommended the Office of Small and Medium Enterprises (OSME) within Public Services and Procurement Canada shoulder that responsibility. “Having OSME at the table as a contributor to the development of government procurement strategies and as a champion of small and medium-sized business interests will help ensure government policies and programs recognize the unique characteristics of small firms,” it stated. “We are a pretty good example of a scale-up of an SME using competitive bid government procurement as a mechanism,” said Mann. However, developments over the past 10 years such as single point of accountability and bundling, where multiple small contracts are combined in one larger procurement that is awarded to one contractor, have been “devasting” to smaller suppliers. “It has been a real issue for us. Again, it is an issue where (OSME) can play a role.” OEMs can bolster government programs by mentoring small companies within their supplier base on management and production processes, especially around digitization, added Donaldson. “OEMs have a lot of that knowledge ... [but] I don't think [they] do enough of that.” He and Bangs both cautioned that the ability to scale up will be contingent on resolving talent shortages. Developing and attracting skilled labour is a chronic problem affecting the entire sector, but it is particularly acute for SMEs in more remote locations that don't have the resources to recruit as widely or navigate the immigration system. “Before we launch a scale-up program with support for financing and working capital, we have to make sure we have our skills done first,” said Donaldson. However the Liberal government opts to respond to the Vision 2025 report, the value of investing in SMEs should be clear. Viking Air, KF Aerospace or IMP Aerospace & Defence were once small companies and are “now thriving global participants,” said Mann. “That is the reason why todays SMEs are an important part of our industry.”

By: Eric Lofgren In 2015, Congress passed middle tier acquisition, or MTA, authorities for rapid prototyping and rapid fielding. Lawmakers expected detailed guidance to follow shortly after. By June 2019, the Government Accountability Office found little clarity on documentation and authority. Congress reacted by threatening to withhold 75 percent of MTA funding in 2020 until the Pentagon released guidance. Dangle the purse strings and compliance follows. The undersecretary for acquisition and sustainment, or USD(A&S), released Department of Defense Instruction 5000.80 on Dec. 30, 2019. The MTA guidance, however, is more likely to pump the brakes on rapid acquisition than propel it forward. Programs designated “middle tier” do not have to follow regulatory processes for requirements and milestone reviews. That can shave years off a program schedule. In return, the prototype must be completed — or system fully fielded — within five years. As of March 2019, there were 35 middle tier programs. The term “middle tier” is perhaps misleading considering nearly half of them exceed the cost thresholds for major weapon systems — roughly $200 million for prototyping or $1 billion for fielding. Many questions remained unanswered until the new policy. How big was a middle tier? What documentation does it require? What is the role of oversight and USD(A&S)? Authority For several years, acquisition authority had been delegated down to the services. While the services only managed 48 percent of major programs in 2014, the figure grew to 90 percent in 2019. DoDI 5000.80 reverses the trend. While the services can approve MTA for non-major programs, only USD(A&S) may approve major programs. Moreover, major programs have far more entrance documentation than non-majors, including approved requirements, an acquisition strategy and a cost estimate. The services may avoid some documentation by disaggregating major systems into multiple MTA programs. For example, two of the Navy's non-major programs are components to Standard Missile-6 Block 1B. The same is true of the Air Force's Airborne Warning and Control System. USD(A&S), however, can still disapprove any MTA program, whether major or non-major. With advisers from all around the Office of the Secretary of Defense, there will be will numerous potential veto points. Each official may extract concessions from MTA programs managed by the services. Even though 31 out of 35 MTA programs are rapid prototyping efforts, the undersecretary for research and engineering, or USD(R&E), has been relegated to a secondary position. All MTA authority rests with USD(A&S). Almost as an affront to USD(R&E), he was given control over a rapid prototyping fund that Congress stopped funding. The outcome reflects a broader weakening of USD(R&E). Congress has reacted negatively to the undersecretary's effort to move fast and reallocate funds to higher value uses. USD(R&E) may lose control of the Missile Defense Agency to USD(A&S). Documentation While MTA exempts programs from traditional requirements and milestone processes, documentation abounds. Each service must create its own requirements process with approval in six months. Joint service requirements are discouraged from using MTA pathways. MTA requirements, however, must still meet the needs determined by four-star generals in the Joint Chiefs of Staff and combatant commands. This may in effect bring the same approvals from the Joint Capabilities Integration and Development System process back into MTA. Many of the DoDI 5000.02 processes also apply. Still required are system analyses, sustainment plans, test strategies, cybersecurity, risk assessments, cost estimates and more. Contractors performing on MTA programs must still report cost data. No exemption was made for earned value management systems. Sidestepping many contract regulations — for example, with other transactions authorities — remains a separate process. Most importantly, Congress requires detailed justification in the budget for every MTA program. That means the services must start justifying MTAs at least two years in advance of funding receipt. Many of today's MTA programs spun off existing, budgeted line items. New programs may find a hard time finding funds. The present situation is reminiscent of the time David Packard attempted rapid acquisition between 1969 and 1971. A couple years later, new layers of bureaucracy descended. Similarly, MTA has built within it the seeds of another slow-paced bureaucratic order. Adm. Hyman Rickover's skepticism to the reforms nearly 50 years ago rings true today. As Rickover wrote to Packard in a memo: “My experience has been that when a directive such as the one you propose is issued, most of the effort goes into the creation of additional management systems and reports and the preparation of large numbers of documents within the Service to ‘prove' that the requirements of the directive are being met in order to justify funds for the Service. “So long as the bureaucracy consists of a large number of people who consider that they are properly performing their function of approval and evaluation by requiring detailed information to be submitted through the bureaucracy, program managers will never be found who can in fact effectively manage their jobs.” https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/01/02/too-many-cooks-in-the-dod-new-policy-may-suppress-rapid-acquisition/

DAVID PUGLIESE, OTTAWA CITIZEN The month of December saw movement on two major defence and security related equipment programs. The RCAF announced it accepted the first Fixed Wing Search and Rescue aircraft from Airbus even as the military tried to work out issues with technical manuals for the C-295 plane. “We will continue to work with Airbus to ensure the acceptability of remaining work, including revision of technical manuals, completing training for the initial RCAF crews and conducting initial operational testing and evaluation in Spain in the first half of 2020,” explained Department of National Defence spokesman Jessica Lamirande. “The aircraft will be flying in Spain by the spring of 2020 with the completion of qualification work and training for RCAF personnel. It will only fly in Canada when it arrives in mid-2020.” Seaspan Shipyards announced Dec. 10 that it completed the delivery of CCGS Capt. Jacques Cartier, the Canadian Coast Guard's newest Offshore Fisheries Science Vessel or OFSV. It is the second OFSV delivered by Seaspan, which was her sister ship, the CCGS Sir John Franklin. These two ships are the first large vessels delivered under the National Shipbuilding Strategy. More than 600 Canadian firms were involved in the project, reported Esprit de Corps military magazine. Equipped to support Fisheries and Ocean scientists in the collection and analysis of data on Canada's marine ecosystems and the impacts of climate change, the vessel features a full suite of modern systems, including high-tech fishing trawls and four science labs — a wet lab, a dry lab, an ocean lab and a control lab, Seaspan noted. The OFSV also has a deployable drop keel, loaded with a wide array of sensors to support the vessel's research mandate. The CCGS Capt. Jacques Cartier will also support search and rescue operations and environmental response. A third OFSV under construction at Seaspan Shipyards is structurally complete and on schedule to be delivered in August 2020, Seaspan added. In the meantime, Collins Aerospace Systems used the Dubai Air Show to highlight the fact that the new C-295 aircraft come equipped with the firm's state-of-the-art Pro Line Fusion flight deck, Esprit de Corps military magazine reported. That will significantly advance the capabilities of C-295 operators, according to Collins Aerospace Systems. The selection marks the first fixed-wing search and rescue platform to include Pro Line Fusion among its standard equipment. The Pro Line Fusion flight deck designed for the C-295 includes Collins touchscreen displays to provide a more intuitive interface for pilots to interact and customize their information on the flight deck; night-vision goggle capability; Head-Up Displays that enable the pilot to keep their eyes up for enhanced situational awareness; Enhanced Vision System (EVS) sensor that allows pilots to see in low-visibility conditions; overlaid weather radar that shows a graphical depiction of weather along the flight plan for easy viewing; Integrated Terrain Awareness and Warning System that enables high-resolution 3D obstacle depiction and enhances mission safety, and fully integrated Mission Flight Management Systems supporting Search and Rescue patterns, Computed Air Release Points and High Altitude Release Points. L3Harris Technologies delivered two F/A-18 Hornet aircraft to NASA in November after successfully completing depot-level modifications and repair work. The two aircraft were delivered to NASA by L3Harris Canadian Fighter Center of Excellence in Quebec. Vertex Aerospace LLC selected L3Harris to work on the NASA F/A-18 Hornet aircraft in 2018. As part of the scheduled maintenance work, L3Harris addressed structural modifications, while maximizing the availability of the aircraft for operational use. The work involved structural modifications to eliminate flight and landing restrictions. L3Harris has specialized in developing and implementing F/A-18 structural modification and life extension solutions, having already completed structural programs for the Royal Canadian Air Force and the Royal Australian Air Force, and assisting other F/A-18 users, including the Swiss Air Force, the Finnish Air Force, and the U.S. Navy. https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/industry-updates-new-search-and-rescue-aircraft-to-fly-in-canada-in-mid-2020-second-offshore-fisheries-science-vessel-delivered

DAVID PUGLIESE, OTTAWA CITIZEN Procurement minister Anita Anand has been told by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau that she will lead the push to create a new defence procurement organization. That will be done with the support of Harjit Sajjan, the Minister of National Defence and Bernadette Jordan, the Minister of Fisheries, Oceans and the Canadian Coast Guard. They will work together “in bringing forward analyses and options for the creation of Defence Procurement Canada, to ensure that Canada's biggest and most complex National Defence and Canadian Coast Guard procurement projects are delivered on time and with greater transparency to Parliament,” according to the mandate letter issued by Trudeau to Anand. “This priority is to be developed concurrently with ongoing procurement projects and existing timelines.” No timelines were provided for when the options for the new organization are needed. In addition, there are no details on when Defence Procurement Canada would be expected to be up and running. The organization is being created to deal with ongoing problems Canada faces in purchasing equipment for the Canadian Forces and the Canadian Coast Guard. https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/three-ministers-to-work-on-options-for-creation-of-the-new-defence-procurement-canada

Par Nicolas Laffont À l'occasion de la fin d'année et peu après le Discours du Trône, 45eNord.ca a discuté de l'année écoulée et de ses futures priorités avec le ministre de la Défense nationale, Harjit Sajjan. Processus d'acquisition D'entrée de jeu le ministre Sajjan se dit satisfait cette année des avancées faites dans le domaine de l'approvisionnement. «Nous avons des projets comme celui des navires de combat de surface qui avance très bien, mais on a également le processus en lui-même qui est plus rapide. Le projet des véhicules de soutien devait prendre cinq ans, mais nous avons été en mesure d'annoncer l'attribution d'un contrat cet été». La livraison des premiers véhicules doit intervenir aussi tôt que fin 2020. «Nous avons aussi le nouvel avion de recherche et sauvetage qui s'en vient [le CC-295 d'Airbus], c'est une autre étape importante pour les Forces armées canadiennes». Inconduites et extrémisme Reconnaissant clairement qu'il y a «encore du travail à faire», le ministre de la Défense fait savoir que dès qu'un incident se produit, «il est pris très au sérieux. Les Canadiens doivent comprendre que notre organisation est «focusé» à répondre vigoureusement à ce genre de situation». «Le travail est en cours et pendant que nous faisons tout notre possible pour créer un environnement de travail plus inclusif, nous voulons aussi nous assurer que notre réponse soit toujours en phase avec la situation». Réserve en force Le Canada sera de plus en plus fragile face aux changements climatiques. Déjà les effets s'en font sentir, avec une augmentation sensible d'évènements climatiques de grande ampleur. En raison de ces changements climatiques, les Forces armées canadiennes se déploient de plus en plus au pays, pour combattre les feux de forêts ou les inondations, «et cela ne fait qu'empirer». La présence de la Réserve et de ses réservistes sera donc plus forte à l'avenir, en raison évidemment du lien entre les unités et leur communauté. «À chaque fois que j'ai visité les troupes et que l'on parle de l'intégration des réservistes avec les forces régulières, les opérations LENTUS sortent du lot. Les réservistes amènent en plus leur propre expérience acquise dans le civil. Je me souviens d'un endroit où l'officier commandant connaissait très bien les lieux parce qu'il travaillait dans le coin et il a pu faire des évaluations rapides et efficaces au point où des vies ont clairement été sauvées.» Les Nations Unies oubliées ? En 2018-2019, le Canada a envoyé une force opérationnelle au Mali pour évacuer des blessés et aider le transport tactique et logistique de la mission des Nations Unies (MINUSMA). La mission s'est achevée à l'été 2019 et s'il se dit «très fier» du travail accompli par les hommes et femmes des Forces armées canadiennes dans la région, le ministre Sajjan reste prudent quand on lui parle de contributions supplémentaires (pourtant annoncées!). «Nous sommes en Ouganda quelques jours par mois pour fournir un transport aérien tactique aux Nations Unies. Mais nous devons prendre une décision avec en tête où nous pouvons avoir le meilleur impact», explique Harjit Sajjan. «Avant d'aller au Mali, nous nous sommes posés cette question de où avoir le meilleur impact. N'oublions pas que pour être efficace, il est important que les nations apportent des capacités de haute valeur, comme nos hélicoptères d'évacuation médicale». Le ministre révèle que des discussions sont en cours avec le Secrétaire général des Nations Unies afin de déterminer quelle pourrait être la prochaine contribution canadienne. «Le travail est en cours, et dès que nous en saurons plus, nous informerons les Canadiens. [...] Nous regardons quelles autres capacités nous pouvons fournir, surtout en lien avec l'Initiative Elsie afin d'avoir plus de femmes dans les opérations de paix, et aussi [en lien] avec les Principes de Vancouver initiés par le général Romeo Dallaire, sur la prévention du recrutement et de l'utilisation d'enfants soldats. L'OTAN, les nouveaux engagements L'analyse réalisée pour établir la nouvelle politique de Défense canadienne a permis d'établir les priorités et l'une d'elle était l'OTAN. Le Canada a donc annoncé de multiples opérations et déploiement sous l'égide de l'alliance transatlantique. Dans cette perspective, la nouvelle lettre de mandat du premier ministre au ministre de la Défense cite l'opération IMPACT au Moyen-Orient, la présence avancée renforcée de l'OTAN en Lettonie, et la mission de l'OTAN en Irak. Et, toujours dans le même esprit, le Canada a annoncé le 4 décembre qu'il augmentait son engagement dans le cadre de l'initiative de préparation de l'OTAN en fournissant 6 avions de chasse additionnels et une frégate de plus, à la demande du Secrétaire général. Par conséquent, la contribution canadienne pourra s'élever au total, si besoin, à 12 avions de chasse CF-18, une force opérationnelle expéditionnaire aérienne, un avion de patrouille maritime, trois frégates, un sous-marin, un bataillon d'infanterie mécanisée, un hôpital mobile et un peloton spécialisé en décontamination chimique, biologique, radiologique et nucléaire. Par ailleurs, on apprenait cette semaine que le ministre de la Défense Harjit S. Sajjan, accompagné de deux parlementaires de l'opposition, se rendra en Italie et au Koweït, du 15 au 19 décembre 2019, pour assister à la cérémonie de passation de commandement du 2e Groupe maritime permanent de l'OTAN, dont le Canada assure le commandement, et pour rendre visite aux membres des Forces armées canadiennes en déploiement. Plus de contributions ? Plus d'argent ? Revenant sur le fait que le Président américain Donald Trump demande, dès que l'occasion se présente, à ses alliés d'augmenter drastiquement leurs dépenses en matière de Défense, le ministre Sajjan rappelle qu'en réalité la précédente administration demandait déjà cela. «En fait, c'est ce que la précédente administration demandait déjà lorsque j'ai effectué ma première visite en tant que ministre de la Défense lorsque le président Obama était là. C'est d'ailleurs pour cette raison que nous avons réalisé une étude approfondie pour étonner même quelque peu nos alliés avec notre plan, cette première politique de Défense qui avait enfin de l'argent attaché avec elle». Même si le président Trump répète à outrance que le Canada est «un peu délinquant» en ne respectant pas sa promesse d'atteindre les 2% de son PIB consacré à la Défense, il est clair pour nos voisins du sud que l'argent ne fait pas tout. «Nous n'avons même pas à leur dire, ce que nous apportons concrètement comme contributions», indique M. Sajjan. «Ils le savent déjà, parce qu'on le fait avec eux. Comme par exemple commander le groupement tactique en Lettonie ou la mission de l'OTAN en Irak. Et n'oublions pas non plus nos contributions en dehors de l'OTAN comme l'Opération NEON où nous aidons au renforcement des sanctions contre la Corée du Nord, avec l'aide des États-Unis. Ils savent aussi la contribution que nous apportons avec l'Opération CARIBBE, cette opération d'interdiction de drogues avec la Garde côtière américaine. Je sais que c'est quelque chose qui est immensément apprécié vu tout ce que est saisi et qui aurait fini aux États-Unis». Finalement, le ministre Sajjan rappelle de nouveau que même si les chiffres ne font pas tout, ils y sont cependant. La nouvelle politique de Défense promet ainsi une augmentation de 70% d'ici 20 ans du budget de la Défense nationale, et ce, sans inclure le coût des opérations qui vient en plus. «La politique de Défense porte strictement sur les politiques et l'approvisionnement dont ont besoin les Forces armées canadiennes. Les opérations ne font pas parties de la politique de Défense et sont une dépense séparée, en plus de ce que nous avons déjà promis». Une chose est sûre cependant, «le seul focus qui est et ne changera jamais pour moi est l'emphase à mettre sur nos hommes et nos femmes en uniforme. Les soutenir eux et leurs familles», de conclure le ministre de la Défense. http://www.45enord.ca/2019/12/interview-fin-annee-ministre-defense-nationale-harjit-sajjan/

Tony Osborne Boris Johnson's election landslide on Dec. 12 makes Brexit on Jan. 31 a certainty. But as the chants of “Get Brexit Done”—a slogan used by the Conservative party in their election messaging—fade away, Britain's place in the world appears infinitely more vulnerable. Johnson's parliamentary majority means he can now sweep aside any opposition to pursue his vision of Brexit. But he was not the only victor. The Scottish National Party secured 48 of Scotland's 59 seats, which the party says is a mandate for a second independence vote. If it were to succeed, there would be far-reaching consequences to Britain's national defense capability. Scotland is home to strategically important air bases and, most significantly, the UK's Trident-based nuclear deterrent. Johnson is unlikely to approve such a referendum at least in the short-term, but the Scottish nationalists could make life difficult for his government, and preventing a referendum could be seen as undemocratic. The complexities of having Northern Ireland as the only part of the UK to share a land border with an EU country, the Republic of Ireland, mean that after a Brexit there will be a border in the Irish Sea between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK. This, too, could have security implications and lead to renewed violence from unionist groups, as they see their political influence being eroded. Nationalists see an opportunity for a united Ireland once again. There is also uncertainty about the futures of Gibraltar and Diego Garcia. Exiting the EU means British security forces no longer will be linked to EU databases on criminals, organized crime and terror. Questions also have arisen about Russia's influence in the British democratic process, with Johnson suppressing publication of an intelligence report on Russian infiltration in British politics during the election run-up. And there is a fiscal aspect as well. Since the Brexit vote in 2016, Britain's GDP has begun to stagnate as economic output and investments fall away. National debt also is rising. The British Parliament's own analysis suggests GDP could be 7% lower over the next 15 years than without Brexit, and even with a free-trade agreement established with Europe. Questions then would arise about whether Britain could afford to maintain military spending. Currency fluctuations will affect big-budget programs such as the ongoing purchase of the Lockheed Martin F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF). Britain is one of a handful of NATO countries with defense spending at or above NATO's target of 2% of GDP. The Conservative manifesto published in the run-up to the election calls for this to increase by at least 0.5% above inflation every year. Britain's defense budget for 2019-20 was £39.5 billion ($52.7 billion), and this will rise to £41.3 billion for 2020-21. The government will maintain and renew the Trident nuclear deterrent but also support the defense industry with “ambitious global programs,” including local construction of Type 31 frigates and local production of the Boxer armored vehicle. In December, the Royal Navy commissioned the second new Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carrier, HMS Prince of Wales, in a further step toward restoring the country's carrier capability. Following operational trials in the fall off the Eastern U.S., more are planned around the UK during 2020, paving the way for the first operational deployment in May 2021. The UK plans to have 35 F-35s in service by the end of 2022, and the government has committed to buying all of the 138 F-35s it planned to purchase when it joined the JSF program in the early 2000s. Whether that commitment is met and if the UK will purchase additional variants could be determined in a strategic defense and security review planned for 2020. With the retirement of the Panavia Tornado last March, the Eurofighter Typhoon fleet has become the heavy-lifter of the UK's air defense mission and is continuing air strikes against Islamic State group sites in Iraq and Syria along with the UK's MQ-9 Reaper unmanned aircraft systems. The UK now is stepping up development of a Typhoon replacement for the mid-2030s with the Tempest future combat air system, supported by Italy and Sweden. More nations could join in 2020, with Japan a key target. And with delivery of the first of nine Boeing P-8 maritime patrollers, the UK is back in the long-range antisubmarine-warfare business, with an initial operating capability expected in April. https://aviationweek.com/defense-space/getting-brexit-done-brings-defense-challenges