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By: Sebastian Sprenger COLOGNE, Germany — Swiss officials have unveiled details of their envisioned reboot of the country's air-defense complex, setting the stage for purchases of aircraft and ground-based missiles totaling more than $8 billion. The head of Switzerland's defense and civilian protection department, Guy Parmelin, on Friday unveiled a list of requirements for the “Air 2030” program that the neutral country wants to begin fulfilling in the mid-2020s to defend its skies and repel intruders. The existing fleet of decades-old F/A-18 and F-5 jets is considered too outdated for the task. New aircraft under consideration include the Airbus Eurofighter, Dassault's Rafale, Saab's Gripen, the F/A-18 Super Hornet from Boeing and Lockheed Martin's F-35A, according to the March 23 list of requirements published by the defense department. Ground-based weapons on the short list are the Eurosam consortium's SAMP/T system; the David's Sling missile shield from Israel; and Raytheon's Patriot system. Swiss officials want to protect an area of 15,000 square kilometers with ground-based weapons, which is more than one-third of the country. They also seek to intercept targets up to 12 kilometers high and 50 kilometers away. The envisioned concept of operations dictates that a fleet of roughly 40 aircraft will intercept those targets outside of the ground weapons' range. Officials want enough capacity to have four planes in the air at any given time during crises. Request for proposals for an acquisition program are expected to be published in the summer, Renato Kalbermatten, a spokesman for the defense department, told Defense News in an email Tuesday. Before a referendum is held about the project in the first half of 2020, ministry officials want to finish qualification of all potential vendors. That includes studying the data from a first round of proposals and collecting final offers from those still in the running at that time, according to Kalbermatten. Referendums are a key tool of the Swiss political process. Asked by a Swiss news agency this month if the country would still have an air force if the population voted against spending money on Air 2030, Parmelin responded dryly: “That's policymaking in Switzerland.” The Swiss won't be asked which type of aircraft the country should buy, only about the program as a whole. Government analysts would then decide which system is best suited for the task, Parmelin said. A 2014 plebiscite saw the acquisition of Sweden's Gripen defeated, a rare outcome for a referendum on security policy matters, Swiss national broadcaster SRF commented at the time. Notably, Germany's future TLVS air and missile defense system, a development based on the trinational Medium Extended Air Defense System, is missing from the lineup of candidate ground-based weapons. That is because the Swiss consider that system suitable only for short and medium ranges, according to Kalbermatten. “As Switzerland has not had a defense system for long ranges since 1999, the first goal is buying a long-range system,” he wrote. Exactly how much money will go to aircraft purchases and how much to ground weapons will depend on the interplay between the two program components ultimately picked, according to officials. However, previous estimates assume that $6 billion or $7 billion would be spent on planes. Winning bidders must agree to arrange for 100 percent of the program cost to flow back into the Swiss economy through so-called offset agreements. Those can be negotiated after final contracts are signed, according to the defense department. The government is looking for aircraft and missile hardware as is, meaning few to no “Helvetizations,” or Swiss-specific tweaks, would be made to the weapons, the new requirements document states. The ministry wants to purchase a single plane type under a “one-fleet policy.” https://www.defensenews.com/land/2018/03/27/switzerland-names-contenders-in-8-billion-air-2030-program/

5 AVR 2018 BITDE, Fonds européen de la défense, Livre blanc, OTAN-UE (B2) Eurodéfense, une association qui regroupe de nombreuses personnalités militant en faveur d'une autonomie européenne de défense, estime que l'Europe doit changer de braquet, passer à la vitesse supérieure, affirmer réellement une politique de défense européenne, l'assumer et s'attaquer aux questions non résolues depuis des années. Dans cette tribune, signée par plusieurs officiers supérieurs dont les lecteurs de B2 reconnaitront certainement plusieurs noms, différents principes sont posés dont, en tant qu'observateur, nous pouvons partager plusieurs des constats. Une Europe de la défense, parent pauvre de la construction européenne L'époque enthousiaste des pères fondateurs, au lendemain de la Guerre, a posé les bases de l'Union européenne. Si l'Europe économique est devenue une réalité, même imparfaite, l'Europe de la défense a vécu plusieurs échecs. Le traité instituant la Communauté européenne de défense en 1950 n'a jamais été ratifié. L'Union de l'Europe occidentale, de 1954 à 2011, est restée une coquille vide. Ce n'est qu'en 1999, après le sommet franco-britannique de Saint Malo, que furent posées les bases d'une politique de défense au plan européen, avec de premiers fruits en 2003, où deux opérations militaires furent lancées sous la bannière bleue étoilée. Des résultats positifs mais à l'échelle d'un laboratoire La politique de sécurité et de défense commune (PSDC), bras armé de la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune (PESC), était née. Elle a donné des résultats plus que positifs, malheureusement insuffisamment connus. En 15 ans, près de 80 000 hommes ont été engagés avec succès dans les opérations de l'Union européenne. Nous avons ainsi célébré le 30 mars les 15 ans de la PSDC opérationnelle, avec l'anniversaire du lancement de la première opération, Concordia, dans l'Ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine (FYROM). Toutefois, à l'échelle européenne et au regard des besoins, c'est peu. Nous restons à un degré d'engagement de portée limitée, que l'on peut qualifier de « niveau de laboratoire ». De plus, les actions du haut du spectre, envisagées parmi les types de missions élaborées à Petersberg en 1992, n'ont été que très rarement menées. Ces missions, dont l'objectif est le rétablissement de la paix, comportent des modes d'action robustes, incluant l'usage de la force. Continuer ainsi ne suffira pas. Pire, le modèle s'épuisera. Un monde plus dangereux... ou juste différent Les besoins ont évolué, face à un monde plus dangereux. Il devient difficile de dissocier action extérieure et sécurité intérieure dans la lutte anti-terroriste. Une défense européenne digne de ce nom se doit de garantir la sécurité de ses citoyens où qu'ils se trouvent, de protéger ses infrastructures et de défendre ses intérêts partout dans le monde. Elle doit pouvoir s'appuyer sur une « base industrielle et technologique de défense européenne » (BITDE) qui soit apte à garantir l'autonomie stratégique européenne, en particulier l'emploi des matériels sans contrainte venant de l'extérieur de l'Europe. Cette BITDE est hélas insuffisante aujourd'hui, en raison notamment du périmètre réduit de la PSDC, maints domaines capacitaires n'étant pas couverts par celle-ci. Il y a là une véritable incohérence. La complémentarité nécessaire même pour les petits pays Peu d'États ont la capacité de répondre seuls à l'ensemble des besoins de défense. La complémentarité au niveau européen s'impose. Même la France, qui, en théorie, dispose des moyens d'assurer son autonomie stratégique, fait régulièrement appel à des soutiens extérieurs pour combler ses lacunes, principalement dans les domaines du renseignement et du transport stratégique. Les limites de la politique des petits pas La politique des petits pas a montré ses limites, malgré les récentes avancées concrètes que sont le fonds européen de défense, le processus annuel de revue coordonnée des plans nationaux de défense et la coopération structurée permanente. Il faut élever le niveau d'ambition inutilement censuré lors de la création de la PSDC et passer la vitesse supérieure. Une approche globale et collective de la sécurité de l'Europe par les pays européens est désormais indispensable, une approche qui englobe les aspects intérieurs et extérieurs, et qui soit partagée si possible par l'ensemble des États membres de l'UE et à défaut par le plus grand nombre. Revoir la complémentarité OTAN-UE Cela implique notamment une réflexion sur la complémentarité entre l'OTAN et l'UE. L'actuelle répartition des rôles entre une OTAN garante de la sécurité collective et une PSDC tournée exclusivement vers l'action extérieure n'est à l'évidence plus pertinente : elle ne permet pas aux Européens d'exercer collectivement leurs responsabilités de défense, en dépit des dispositions volontaristes prises récemment par ceux-ci pour resserrer leur coopération. Même la mesure phare de la complémentarité entre les deux organisations, l'accord dit de Berlin Plus, signé en 2003, qui donnait à l'Union un accès aux moyens de commandement de l'OTAN, n'est plus opérante en raison notamment du différent turco-chypriote. Assumer une défense européenne Il est temps de s'engager dans une défense européenne vraiment assumée. La simple relecture des documents européens – le traité de Lisbonne de 2007, la Stratégie européenne de sécurité intérieure 2015-2020, la Stratégie globale pour la politique étrangère et de sécurité de l'UE de 2016 – fournit suffisamment d'éléments pour faire émerger une telle défense. La capacité d'agir sur l'ensemble du spectre des opérations, de l'assistance humanitaire à l'engagement de haute intensité, comprend, avec les opérations de projection, des opérations de solidarité et d'assistance mutuelle sur le thé'tre européen. Ces dernières qui font partie de la défense collective, sont menées en cohérence avec les engagements pris au sein de l'Alliance Atlantique par les États qui en sont membres. Par ailleurs, les textes autorisent un niveau de flexibilité original : l'article 44 du traité de Lisbonne donne aux instances européennes la possibilité de déléguer la conduite d'une opération à un groupe d'États membres. Et la Coopération structurée permanente, récemment décidée, est le support adapté pour le développement de capacités nouvelles. Rééquilibrer le pacte atlantique C'est une politique de défense européenne complète, affirmée, active et opérationnelle qui peut alors se mettre en place. Gr'ce à des Européens stratégiquement plus autonomes, elle devrait avoir pour première conséquence une évolution du lien transatlantique qui, tenant compte de l'histoire et de nos valeurs communes, devra être rénové. Rééquilibré et assumé, le nouveau pacte atlantique devra permettre à l'Europe de devenir un partenaire fiable, crédible et écouté. Restent à définir les voies permettant cette évolution. Revoir les processus de décision nationale et le financement en commun Il faudra pour cela affronter les sujets de discordance ou de blocage entre Européens, plutôt que de les passer sous silence, de peur de détruire un hypothétique équilibre obtenu à force de concessions. Les règles d'engagement et les spécificités juridiques, notamment pour l'usage de la force, seront à harmoniser. Les processus décisionnels nationaux nécessiteront dans certains cas la définition de boucles courtes, permettant la réaction dans l'urgence, comme dans les catastrophes humanitaires. Il faudra travailler sur les contributions budgétaires des États pour les opérations, les rendre plus équitables et renforcer l'importance du fonds européen de défense. Avoir une politique claire vis-à-vis des citoyens Les principes suivants inspireraient la démarche. D'abord, les citoyens européens doivent recevoir des réponses simples et compréhensibles à leurs besoins de sécurité et de défense. Aujourd'hui, si, selon l'Eurobaromètre de l'automne 2017, les trois quarts d'entre eux continuent à plébisciter l'Europe de la Défense, ils n'ont pas une idée claire de sa réalisation, tant les discours sur les rôles partagés entre l'Alliance Atlantique, la PSDC et la défense nationale sont complexes et indigestes. Quand nos dirigeants se seront engagés résolument pour une défense européenne souveraine, ils pourront apporter de telles réponses. Tenir compte des différences et de la souveraineté des États Le principe de la subsidiarité et de la complémentarité avec les États doit être préservé. La subsidiarité est incontournable, le domaine de la défense restant de la responsabilité des États et la souveraineté européenne ne pouvant s'exercer que gr'ce aux contributions de ceux-ci en troupes aguerries et en équipements. Si les menaces et les risques sont perçus avec un degré d'intensité différent selon les États, ils doivent conduire à la complémentarité des actions, basée sur les savoir-faire spécifiques de chacun. Par exemple, certains pays ont une culture de projection développée, comme la France ou l'Espagne, autorisant notamment l'intervention en Afrique. D'autres, comme l'Allemagne ou la Pologne, sont plus tournés vers la défense collective. Cela n'empêche pas chacun d'entre eux de participer aux missions, mais avec des degrés d'engagement différents. Les clauses de solidarité et d'assistance mutuelle entre les États, notamment en cas d'attaque terroriste, telles qu'elles sont décrites dans le traité de Lisbonne, ne doivent pas rester lettre morte ; elles doivent être assumées. Avoir réellement une autonomie stratégique C'est à ce titre que cette défense gagnera en souveraineté. Les initiatives lancées par le Président de la République dans son discours de la Sorbonne de septembre 2017, comme le développement d'une capacité d'action autonome, autoriseront la continuité entre les États et l'Europe, comme celle entre missions extérieures et intérieures. L'autonomie stratégique d'une défense aux contours élargis pourra alors être soutenue dans le même périmètre par une BITDE ayant des capacités de recherche et développement complètes et autonomes. Il s'agira de gagner alors la bataille des normes industrielles. Dernier principe, cette Europe de la défense souveraine devra multiplier les partenariats, notamment avec ses voisins immédiats. Elle renouvellera le lien transatlantique, rééquilibré gr'ce à un meilleur partage du fardeau. Un livre blanc européen nécessaire Pour tout cela, un Livre blanc, dont EuroDéfense-France est un ferme partisan, s'avère nécessaire, avec l'établissement d'une feuille de route ambitieuse. Ainsi, pourra être construite la défense d'une « Europe souveraine, unie, démocratique » pour reprendre les termes du Président de la République. Les membres du bureau de l'association EuroDéfense-France : Patrick Bellouard (président d'EuroDéfense-France, IGA 2S), Maurice de Langlois (général 2S, ancien directeur de recherche IRSEM), Jean-Didier Blanchet (ancien DG d'Air France), Jean-Charles Boulat (directeur des affaires UE et OTAN du groupe industriel Naval Group), François Bresson (général 2S, ancien directeur de l'Institut des hautes études de défense nationale-IHEDN), Patrick de Rousiers (général d'armée aérienne 2S, ancien président du comité militaire de l'Union européenne), Michel Desmoulin (président d'honneur de l'Union des associations d'auditeurs de l'IHEDN), Jacques Favin-Lévêque (général 2S, ancien délégué général du Groupement des industries de défense et de sécurité terrestres et aéroterrestres), Patrick Hébrard (vice-amiral d'escadre 2S), Jean-Loup Kuhn-Delforge (ancien ambassadeur), François Laumonier (ancien ambassadeur), Jean-Paul Palomeros (général d'armée aérienne 2S, ancien chef d'état-major de l'armée de l'air, ancien commandant allié transformation de l'OTAN), Jean-Paul Perruche (général 2S, ancien directeur général de l'état-major de l'Union européenne), Claude Roche (ancien directeur de la stratégie défense d'EADS, Vice-président de l'Académie de l'air et de l'espace), Philippe Roger (IGA 2S), Cyrille Schott (ancien directeur de l'Institut national des hautes études de la sécurité et de la justice) et Denis Verret (président, DV Conseil). Les propos ci-dessus n'engagent que leurs auteurs. Les intertitres sont de la rédaction. Cette opinion a été publiée également dans le quotidien français La tribune https://www.bruxelles2.eu/2018/04/05/depasser-la-politique-des-petits-pas-pour-une-defense-europeenne-vraiment-assumee/

Ottawa, ON April 05, 2018 – Calian Group Ltd. (TSX: CGY) is pleased to announce it has been awarded a contract renewal worth up to $20 million in support of the Royal Canadian Air Force's (RCAF) Airworthiness Program. Calian will provide highly skilled professionals with expertise in 66 different categories of aeronautics to help ensure Canada's military fleet flies safely and effectively. The first year of the contract starts immediately and will run to March 31, 2019. The contract award includes two additional option years, with an aggregate contract value of approximately $20 million over the three years. Calian is initially providing professional airworthiness, engineering and program support services through a team of about 30 specialists, including civilians and veterans. They will provide services in mechanical engineering, propulsion, electrical engineering, weapons safety and cybersecurity. To deliver these services Calian has again partnered with Valcom Consulting Group. “We are honoured to continue providing these critical safety and security services to Canada's military aircraft fleet,” said Donald Whitty, Vice President, Calian Training. “We've been providing this support to the Airworthiness Program for 24 years, which goes far beyond technical reviews and flight test reports. We're protecting flight systems from cyber threats and providing critical security services for weapons, communications and computer systems.” Calian is providing the RCAF with uniquely qualified experts who have sought-after signing authority to endorse changes and modifications to existing aircraft as well as assessments of newly acquired aircraft. RCAF aircraft use complex, interconnected systems, and under the Airworthiness Program any modifications must be reviewed, analyzed and tested to ensure flight safety is not compromised. "This contract win falls directly in line with the first pillar of our growth strategy – customer retention. Customers come back to Calian because of our successful record delivering mission critical services with high satisfaction ratings,” said Jerry Johnston, acting President, BTS Division. “As one of Canada's largest defence companies, I am very pleased to see Calian continue this important partnership supporting the safety of the men and women in uniform.” These Airworthiness services are critical to flight safety and operational readiness for new and modernized aircraft such as the Fixed Wing Search and Rescue Airbus C295W aircraft, Maritime Helicopter Project CH-148 Cyclone helicopter, CP-140 Aurora patrol, CH-146 Griffon helicopter, CH-147 Chinook helicopter, CH-149 Cormorant helicopter, CC-130 Hercules transport and CF-118 Hornet fighter. About Calian Engineering Calian offers full-spectrum systems engineering and technical services, supporting the Department of National Defence (DND), other government departments, and industry for over 30 years. Our engineers and technologists apply expertise in disciplines essential for system development, operation, and maintenance, with capabilities that offer full life-cycle support for soldier systems, major defence projects, electrical and electronic systems, computer systems, naval architecture, and aerospace systems. About Calian Calian employs more than 2,900 people with offices and projects that span Canada, U.S. and international markets. The company's capabilities are diverse with services delivered through two divisions. The Business and Technology Services (BTS) Division is headquartered in Ottawa and includes the provision of business and technology services to industry, public and government in the health, training, engineering and IT services domains. Calian's Systems Engineering Division (SED), located in Saskatoon plans, designs and implements complex communication systems for many of the world's space agencies and leading satellite manufacturers and operators. SED also provides contract manufacturing services for both private sector and military customers in North America. For investor information, please visit our website at www.calian.com or contact us at ir@calian.com Jacqueline Gauthier Media inquiries: Chief Financial Officer Simon Doyle 613-599-8600 613-599-8600 x 205 https://www.calian.com/en/calian-group-wins-royal-canadian-air-force-airworthiness-service-agreement-valued-20m

By: Brandon Knapp Leaders from the satellite imaging industry presented a long list of regulation reforms they want to see from the Trump administration during a panel discussion March 14 during the 2018 Satellite show held in Washington D.C. To allow the space industry to thrive, industry officials called for a regulatory process that is more efficient, transparent and narrowly focused. The panelists described the current regulatory regime as a convoluted process that stifles innovation and “tells you no slowly, but can't tell you why.” The remote sensing regulatory environment currently operates on “the presumption of no,” said Walter Scott, executive vice president and chief technology officer at Maxar Technologies. Last year Maxar acquired satellite imagery provider DigitalGlobe. “If telecommunications had been regulated this way, instead of smartphones we'd be up here with devices that have big dials and wires attached to them.” A common concern among the industry panelists was the rise of competition in the space domain, especially from foreign actors that are less constrained by regulatory burdens imposed on American space companies. “Taking three months to write a report to make a committee to study something about a decision just doesn't cut it in a world where this technology is becoming rapidly available to almost everyone,” said Peter Platzer, the chief executive, a satellite imagery company based in St. Louis. DoD leaders have historically said reviews are necessary to understand the national security implications of new satellite technology. Only a handful of DoD officials served on panels during the four day conference. Industry leaders said they hoped their grievances will be well received by the Trump administration, which has taken a both a pro-space and anti-regulation posture in its first year. The administration reactivated the National Space Council last summer and President Donald Trump recently floated the idea of creating a new “Space Force” dedicated to space warfare. A report from the Department of Commerce on space regulations is due out by July 1. The department's secretary, Wilbur Ross, has said he wants to reform the process by creating a single space commerce office. (Ross headlined a keynote dinner to satellite leaders during the conference.) The panelists said they were hopeful that the report would lead to a more streamlined and transparent space licensing process. Some in the space community have proposed the idea of “permissionless” authorization, in which space licence applications would be automatically approved unless a specific objection is proposed within a determined number of days. “I don't think we're going to go that far,” said Peter Hays, a space policy consultant who works with the Department of Defense. “But I think we're heading in that direction.” https://www.c4isrnet.com/intel-geoint/2018/03/19/for-satellite-imagery-to-thrive-industry-wants-reforms/

By: Daniel Cebul WASHINGTON ― As unmanned platforms, cyber systems and human-machine partnering become more prevalent in 21st century war fighting, the effectiveness of combat units will be determined by how quickly information can be processed and transmitted between air-breathers and machines. To achieve the high levels of brain-system communication that will be required on future battlefields, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency has launched a new program to develop a noninvasive neural interface that will connect soldiers with technology. The goal of the Next-Generation Nonsurgical Neurotechnology (N³) program is to “pursue a path to a safe, portable neural interface system capable of reading from and writing to multiple points in the brain at once,” according to Dr. Al Emondi, a program manager in DARPA's Biological Technologies Office. “We're asking multidisciplinary teams of researchers to construct approaches that enable precise interaction with very small areas of the brain, without sacrificing signal resolution or introducing unacceptable latency into the N3 system.” Although technologies that allow for high-quality brain system communications exist today, these invasive techniques are not a practical solution for ubiquitous man-machine communication. Before soldiers can communicate with their R2-D2 units, DARPA scientists must overcome several significant scientific and engineering challenges. The most significant challenge, according to a DARPA press release, will be overcoming the physics of scattering and weakening of signals as they pass through skin, skull and brain tissue. If this initial challenge is surmounted, the focus of the program will shift to developing algorithms for encoding and decoding neural signals, evaluating system safety through animal testing and ultimately asking human volunteers to test the technology. While communication neurotechnology has a stronger foothold in science fiction than reality, Emondi believes devoting resources to the enterprise will spur breakthroughs. “Smart systems will significantly impact how our troops operate in the future, and now is the time to be thinking about what human-machine teaming will actually look like and how it might be accomplished,” he said. “If we put the best scientists on this problem, we will disrupt current neural interface approaches and open the door to practical, high-performance interfaces.” DARPA wants the four-year project to conclude with a demonstration of a bidirectional system being used to interface human-machine interactions with unmanned platforms, active cyber defense systems or other Department of Defense equipment. Recognizing the potentially wide ethical, legal and social implications of such neurotechnology, DARPA is also asking independent legal and ethical experts to advise the program as N³ technologies mature. https://www.c4isrnet.com/it-networks/2018/03/19/darpa-wants-to-connect-human-brains-and-machines

From National Defence March 19, 2018, Ottawa, ON — National Defence / Global Affairs Canada Canada is committed to building a more peaceful and prosperous world. Ensuring the safety and security of our citizens – and those of our allies – means working to confront instability and conflict around the world. Canada's support for United Nations peacekeeping will help vulnerable and marginalized communities build a better future for themselves. Last November, in Vancouver, the Government of Canada announced its return to peace operations, including: the Vancouver Principles – focused on ending the recruitment and use of child soldiers around the world; the Elsie Initiative – a pilot project aimed at rapidly increasing the number of women police and military deployed on UN peace operations, supported by the expertise and political commitment of a group of countries who share Canada's ambition for change; and a range of Smart Pledges and military capabilities – aimed at leveraging Canadian expertise. The first smart pledge – a C-130 Hercules aircraft to provide tactical airlift support for the UN's Regional Support Centre in Entebbe Uganda – was announced in Vancouver and preparations for deployment are currently underway. As part of Canada's return to peace operations, the Honourable Harjit S. Sajjan, Minister of National Defence, and the Honourable Chrystia Freeland, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today announced the Government of Canada's second smart pledge: a commitment to deploy an Aviation Task Force to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) for a period of 12 months. The Aviation Task Force will include Chinook helicopters to provide urgently needed transport and logistics capacity for the MINUSMA mission, as well as Griffon helicopters to provide armed escort and protection. The Task Force will be accompanied by a number of Canadian Armed Forces personnel for support. Canada remains committed to advancing gender equality in its deployment. Canada's contribution will join 57 MINUSMA partner countries in their continued efforts to bring sustainable peace and stability to Mali and the Sahel. Today's announcement builds on the Government's significant development, peace and security initiatives in the region. In the coming days, the Government will register its pledge with the UN, and the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) will begin their planning process, in conjunction with the UN, partners and the host nation. Quotes “As a responsible member of the international community, we recognize the importance of working collaboratively with our partners to promote peace and security. Supported by our diplomatic negotiations, I am confident we can help make a real difference in this region through the deployment of the Aviation Task Force.” Minister of National Defence, Hon. Harjit S. Sajjan “Today's smart pledge is another way Canada is contributing its expertise to create a safer, more peaceful world. We are committed to improving the effectiveness of UN peace operations. We are doing this by working with partner countries to increase the meaningful participation of women, through the Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations, implementing the Vancouver Principles to end the recruitment and use of child soldiers, and providing specialized training to meet the needs of the UN.” Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hon. Chrystia Freeland, P.C., M.P Quick facts During the UN Peacekeeping Defence Ministerial conference hosted by Canada in Vancouver in November 2017, Canada pledged to improve the effectiveness of UN peace operations in a number of ways. Canada committed a number of “smart pledges” of high value military capabilities to be deployed in a 5-year timeframe with planned and predictable rotations with other member states. They are: a Quick Reaction Force and accompanying equipment; an Aviation Task Force of medium utility and armed helicopters; and a tactical airlift support to address critical gaps in the UN's ability to transport troops, equipment, and supplies to their missions. The Elsie Initiative for Peace Operations is a Canadian-led pilot project to test new ways of eliminating barriers to the participation of women police and military in peace operations. Canada will lead this search for a breakthrough, working closely with a Contact Group of countries who will bring their experiences, expertise and political commitment to the project. A tailored package of technical assistance and training will be offered to a select partner country (or two), and an innovative financial mechanism will be designed to incentivize progress among countries who contribute police and military to UN operations. Contacts Byrne Furlong Press Secretary Office of the Minister of National Defence Phone: 613-996-3100 Email: byrne.furlong@forces.gc.ca Media Relations Department of National Defence Phone: 613-996-2353 Email: mlo-blm@forces.gc.ca Adam Austen Press Secretary Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs Email: Adam.Austen@international.gc.ca Media Relations Office Global Affairs Canada Phone: 343-203-7700 Email: media@international.gc.ca https://www.canada.ca/en/department-national-defence/news/2018/03/canada-announces-second-peacekeeping-smart-pledge---will-send-aviation-task-force-to-un-mission-in.html

19 mars 2018 | Par Justine BOQUET L'OTAN a publié le 15 mars son étude sur les dépenses de défense des pays membres de l'Alliance transatlantique. Ce document établit un comparatif et étudie l'évolution de ces investissements militaires sur la période 2010 – 2017. L'année 2017 a enregistré une hausse des dépenses de Défense au niveau de l'OTAN, à hauteur de 4,87%. Les investissements réalisés par les Alliés dans le domaine militaire s'établissent dès lors à 917 Md$ (sur la base des prix et des taux de change de 2010). Ce montant est largement atteint gr'ce à la participation américaine, qui représente 618 Md$. A l'inverse, les Etats de l'OTAN situés en Europe et le Canada ont investit ensemble à peine la moitié du montant américain, soit 300 Md$. Cette hiérarchie se retrouve également au niveau des cibles OTAN à atteindre. Ainsi, au regard de l'objectif des 2% du PIB, les Etats-Unis sont loin devant avec des dépenses équivalent à 3,57% de leur PIB. Au sein de l'Alliance, seuls quatre pays membres atteignent cette cible. Aux Etats-Unis s'ajoutent donc la Grèce (2,36% du PIB), le Royaume-Uni (2,12%) et l'Estonie (2,08%). La France n'est pas très loin de l'objectif et a investit en 2017 1,74% de son PIB dans sa défense. Enfin, loin derrière on retrouve le Luxembourg, dont l'armée reste de taille relative. Ainsi, en 2017, le Grand-Duché consacre 0,46% de son PIB aux dépenses militaires. Au niveau de l'ensemble de l'OTAN, on atteint 2,42% du PIB de la zone. En terme de dépenses d'équipements, la tendance évolue. En effet, l'OTAN prévoit que 20% du budget militaire des Etats Membres de l'Alliance soit consacré aux dépenses d'équipement. Douze Etats atteignent cet objectif. Roumanie : 33,20% Luxembourg : 32,99% Lituanie : 31,09% Turquie : 30,40% Bulgarie : 29,54% Etats-Unis : 28,43% Norvège : 25,52% France : 24,17% Pologne : 22,14% Royaume-Uni : 22,03% Italie : 20,94% Slovaquie : 20,42% Loin derrière on retrouve la Slovénie, qui avec 4,01% de son budget dédié aux dépenses d'équipement est encore loin de la cible. http://www.air-cosmos.com/otan-les-depenses-de-defense-en-hausse-108729

By: Valerie Insinna , David B. Larter , and Aaron Mehta WASHINGTON — The Air Force is slashing access to media embeds, base visits and interviews as it seeks to put the entire public affairs apparatus through retraining — a move it says is necessary for operational security, but one which could lead to a broader freeze in how the service interacts with the public. According to March 1 guidance obtained by Defense News, public affairs officials and commanders down to the wing level must go through new training on how to avoid divulging sensitive information before being allowed to interact with the press. The effort, which represents the third major Defense Department entity to push out guidance restricting public communication over the past 18 months, creates a massive information bureaucracy in which even the most benign human-interest stories must be cleared at the four-star command level. Before settling on retraining its public affairs corps and commanders, the service considered an even more drastic step: shutting down all engagement with the press for a 120-day period, a source with knowledge of the discussions said. Instead, the service settled on the retraining plan, a temporary move which Brig. Gen. Ed Thomas, director of public affairs, said could be completed “in the coming weeks.” “In today's challenging information environment marked by great power competition, we will continue to be as transparent with the American public as possible while protecting sensitive information on our operations and capabilities,” Thomas told Defense News. “We owe both to the public, and it is vitally important for the public to understand what we are doing on their behalf and with their tax dollars.” But two former Air Force secretaries and an influential congressman all raise the same concern: that intentionally or not, this will send a message that engaging with the public simply isn't worth the risk. Rep. Mike Gallagher, R-Wis., told Defense News the memo fits into a trend of recent moves inside the Defense Department towards less transparency, which could ultimately undermine DoD's efforts to address long-standing problems. Gallagher serves on the Seapower and Projection Forces Subcommittee, which oversees several key Air Force programs like the B-21 bomber. “I fully support the National Defense Strategy's focus on great power competition,” Gallagher told Defense News, “but I think the department has it backwards; It is precisely because of the scale of the challenges before us that transparency is more important than ever. I worry that by failing to discuss problems, we will only ensure there is no public pressure to fix them.” Shrinking Air Force access The renewed focus on operational security stems from the Trump administration's recently released national defense strategy, according to the Air Force guidance. That document, which was marked as “for official use only,” was distributed to public affairs officials following a February 2018 memo on operational security signed by Air Force Secretary Heather Wilson and Chief of Staff Gen. Dave Goldfein. “As we engage the public, we must avoid giving insights to our adversaries which could erode military advantage,” the March 2018 guidance read. “We must now adapt to the reemergence of great power competition and the reality that our adversaries are learning from what we say in public.” Until wing-level spokesmen have been certified by their corresponding major command, responses to reporter queries that potentially could include details about “operations, training or exercises, readiness or other issues which may reveal operational information to potential adversaries” are subject to approval by the Air Force's public affairs headquarters at the Pentagon, known as Secretary of the Air Force Public Affairs or SAF/PA. Exceptions can be made for human interest stories, community engagement pieces or other lighter, fluffier news, which can be approved by major command public officials. What this means is that if public affairs officials at Lackland Air Force Base in Texas haven't received their training, a local story about military working dogs would need the approval of Air Education and Training Command before being allowed to proceed with an interview or any engagement. Beyond limiting the Air Force's interactions with journalists, the new guidelines pose new restrictions on public appearances such as air show demonstrations, trade shows, industry conferences and think tank events, which can move forward if authorized by SAF/PA's engagement division. And although Air Force band performances will be permitted to continue, all band members who interact with the media must receive training from public affairs. Exactly what constitutes sensitive information is unclear. The Air Force's guidance lays out “potential engagement areas” alongside topics that could possibly pose “operational security risks.” Classified information and vulnerabilities are included in the latter area, but so are details about flag exercises, the number and location of operational assets, or information related to current readiness — some of which are routinely shared with the public. The guidance notes that “neither list is all inclusive,” and that public affairs professionals “use sound discretion and exercise discretion when evaluating all engagement opportunities.” Pausing a turnaround The guidance comes as the Air Force was finally repairing a damaged public affairs reputation. The service infamously clamped down on talking after the 2008 firing of both its chief of staff and service secretary, which had a chilling effect across the service. The situation culminated in a 2016 informal poll by Foreign Policy magazine, which found reporters ranking the Air Force as the worst service to deal with. That result resonated heavily within Air Force leadership, triggering promises of more open lines of communication. Deborah Lee James, Wilson's predecessor as Air Force secretary, told Defense News it was her belief the service needs to be more open, not less. “I have not seen the memo. However, I am sorry to hear about this development. If true, it certainly runs against the grain for what I tried to do as secretary of the Air Force,” James said. “Sometimes there's positive news to talk about, and our airmen can be the best communicators. Sometimes there's negative news to talk about. But much better that we be the ones to describe that news and frame it for the American people.” Whit Peters, who from 1997-2001 served as both Air Force secretary and undersecretary, acknowledged there are times when the military needs to keep information back for security reasons. He said the memo restrictions remind him of the way the service handled information during the conflict in Bosnia. But he also warned the memo may have a chilling effect far beyond its printed text. “The penumbra of this memo is worse than the memo itself. If you're already an Air Force officer, who is disinclined to talk to the press, this just gives you one more reason to think it is not career enhancing to talk to the press,” Peters said. “And that is unfortunate because the Air Force at all levels needs to be talking to the American public about what a valuable service it provides.” “I still think the Air Force does not do enough publicly to explain its mission and to explain why it needs to rejuvenate its whole fleet, both in air and space,” Peters continued. “So I would hope this doesn't get in the way of the Air Force telling its story on why it's important, and why it needs to be funded by the taxpayers.” The Navy: A Case Study A test case for the potential impact of the memo can be seen in the recent status of the Navy. In March 2017, Chief of Naval Operations Adm. John Richardson issued a memo that directed admirals to continue to engage with the media. But it also implored Navy officials not to give “too much” information — even unclassified information — in a public setting. “When it comes to specific operational capabilities however, very often less is more,” he said in the memo. “Sharing information about future operations and capabilities, even at the unclassified level, makes it easier for potential adversaries to gain an advantage.” The memo, which was broad and lacked specific guidance, created a persistent atmosphere of uncertainty throughout the Navy where leaders and program managers have been unsure about what they can talk about and what they can't. And last October, Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis released a memo calling for employees to be “vigilant” in preventing leaks. “It is a violation of our oath to divulge, in any fashion, non-public DoD information, classified or unclassified, to anyone without the required security clearance as well as a specific need to know in the performance of their duties,” he said. The information chill both inside the Navy and DoDwide has been noticed by lawmakers, who have called on the military to err on the side of transparency. Rep. Mike Gallagher, R-Wis., discusses the budget and transparency at the Surface Navy Association's annual symposium on Jan. 10, 2018. At a Navy conference in January, Gallagher dismissed Richardson's concerns about giving away secrets in the press, arguing that if the Navy doesn't talk about what it's doing, members of Congress can't convince their fellow members not on defense committees, let alone their constituents, that more resources are necessary. “Despite the old adage that ‘loose lips sink ships,' non-existent strategic communications can sink entire navies,” he continued. “If the bias is towards silence to prevent adversaries from finding out about unique capabilities or potential weaknesses: guess what, there will never be a public constituency for acquiring or mitigating them. “And, oh by the way, our adversaries probably have a decent idea of what we're up to anyways.” The powerful chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, Rep. Mac Thornberry (R-Texas), spoke out in January as well, saying that while secrecy is important, so is transparency, saying it makes a difference in DoD's bottom line. “As we've talked before, some of the folks in DoD are reluctant to talk too openly about our shortfalls because you're broadcasting that to your potential adversaries,” Thornberry said. “And I admit, it's a fine balance. But if we're going to convince my colleagues who are not on this committee, as well as the American people, to fix these things, I think we do have to at least talk somewhat openly about what our problems are.” https://www.defensenews.com/breaking-news/2018/03/13/air-force-orders-freeze-on-public-outreach/

CS has been selected by the French MoD procurement (Direction Générale de l'Armement) to provide, to the entire armed forces, the first French systems for the detection, identification and neutralisation of illegal UAV Le Plessis Robinson – 5 March 2018 – The French Armed Forces Ministry has awarded the MILAD tender (mobile anti-UAV system) to the CS group following a competition. The system, whose performance is confidential, is designed to enhance protection of sensitive sites and aims to rapidly equip the armed forces with mobile systems for the detection, identification, and neutralisation of UAV. These resources are designed to equip the army, navy and air force, both in France and in theatres of operations. Within this framework, CS was selected on the basis of its economic performance, its experience, and the effectiveness of its solution. “CS is honoured to have been selected for this major project. It rewards two years of continuous innovative work by the group in this field, with the industrialisation of our ant-UAV system, BOREADES, already operational for national events security. We aim to constantly adapt our system as the threat evolves, to deploy the system in France and internationally,” says Khaled Draz, CEO of CS Systèmes d'Information. A propos de CS CS est un acteur majeur de la conception, de l'intégration et de l'exploitation de systèmes critiques. CS est coté sur le marché Euronext Paris - Compartiment C - (Actions : Euroclear 7896 / ISIN FR 0007317813). Pour en savoir plus : www.c-s.fr Relations presse Barbara GOARANT Tél. : +33 (0)1 41 28 46 94 https://uk.c-s.fr/CS-wins-the-first-tender-in-France-for-anti-UAV-system_a596.html