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  • US Army pegs 2023 as tipping point for ending old weapons

    14 octobre 2020 | International, Terrestre, C4ISR

    US Army pegs 2023 as tipping point for ending old weapons

    Jen Judson WASHINGTON — The Army will see a significant shift in funding from its current fleet to new and modern capability designed to fight in multidomain operations in fiscal 2023, Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy told Defense News in an Oct. 8 interview. The service has conducted several rounds of “night court” reviews already, a deep dive across the Army's portfolios to determine whether money is in the right place to ensure modernization priorities are getting what they need to progress. In FY18 and FY19, the Army focused on the science and technology portfolio, but in FY20 ramped up the process finding north of $25 billion to apply to modernization priorities across the next five years. The FY21 and FY22 process was similar and still resulted in a substantial amount of funding that was redirected, according to McCarthy. “We're basically lining ourselves up for the '23 program where you will see a much more aggressive effort like you saw in FY20,” McCarthy said. “The choices are going to get bigger and tougher, but that's necessary” as modernized programs begin to be fielded, he said. “That will force us to make harder calls with legacy systems that will have to be forced to end their service life.” The FY22 night court review has wrapped up, and the number of canceled, reduced or delayed programs is less than in previous years. The Army still had to make some hard decisions, Lt. Gen. James Pasquarette, the Army G-8, told Defense News in a separate Oct. 8 interview, but there were fewer. “It did still result in dozens of reductions and eliminations, but smaller, much smaller than in the past.” In FY20, for example, the Army canceled, delayed or reduced 186 programs. In FY21 that number was roughly 80. “I feel better now than I did on the front end of this thing a year ago,” Pasquarette said, “and how we were going to make ends meet.” Pasquarette, who manages the night court process, said a year ago that after two deep dives he was concerned there wouldn't be enough low-hanging fruit to move over to fund modernization at the levels needed in the coming years. But since the Army has already found $37 billion total from the previous night courts and no major changes have been made to the strategy or what is being prioritized, less needs to move around because everything is in the right place, according to Pasquarette. Yet in FY23 some big programs will begin to go out to units such as the Maneuver-Short Range Air Defense System (M-SHORAD), next-generation squad weapons, enhanced night-vision goggles, the Extended Range Cannon Artillery (ERCA) systems, the Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) and ground-launched hypersonic weapons. “So in our fires community, massive changeover,” McCarthy said, “so units will be taking on new weapon systems, changing their task organizations, so you have to start divesting legacy weapon systems at a much greater rate of speed. ... Then as you get towards the back end of the [five-year defense plan] FYDP, in '25 and '26, here come the helicopters.” In FY23, McCarthy said, the Army will also make trades in order to invest in logistics to accommodate new weapons. Questions center on determining whether there are appropriate hangars, maintenance facilities and ranges that accommodate greater lethality and range for things like the Long-Range Precision Fires capabilities. More difficult decisions could be around the corner should the defense budget face cuts in the future. Some are projecting numbers as high as a 20 percent cut in military spending if there is a change in the administration. “If we see a reduced top line, I do wonder what would be the impact to some of the things that we put in place,” Lt. Gen. Thomas Horlander, the Army's comptroller, told Defense News earlier this month. “How will things like our modernization plan become pressurized? And so definitely a reduced top line will pressurize some of the programs and we'll be making some tough decisions.” Should the Army face cuts, McCarthy said, “we'll have a hard look at our readiness portfolio.” The Army has “been very blessed” to have 27 or 28 brigades at the highest levels of readiness, he added. “So you look at your readiness portfolio and are there ways to do it more efficiently? Do you need that many ready at any given point in time? Can you make an adjustment to that large bucket of funding in the readiness portfolio?” McCarthy asked. On the modernization side, the Army will have to continue to divest legacy platforms, according to McCarthy. “But you also need to take a very hard look” at priority programs to ensure they are correctly lined up, he said. As for quality of life, the Army “will not take much risk there,” McCarthy said. “We're very concerned that we spent over a decade at deficit spending on that side and we've made some pretty substantial moves. We're going to make some more here in the next week or two that you'll hear about ways that we're working to improve upon that.” The Army will do what it can to manage the balance sheet “as efficiently as possible,” McCarthy said. “If the cuts come, they will come. You have to face that down. The fiscal posture of the country has been challenged with the COVID-19 pandemic and we're going to do the best we can with the budgets we are granted.” https://www.defensenews.com/digital-show-dailies/ausa/2020/10/13/us-army-pegs-fy23-as-tipping-point-for-ending-old-weapons/

  • 5 ways the U.S. election result could impact Canada

    13 octobre 2020 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité, Autre défense

    5 ways the U.S. election result could impact Canada

    CBC News Trump and Biden have different ideas about trade, defence, China, energy and migration The fallout from an American election touches countries around the world — starting with its neighbours next door. And on some issues with clear implications for Canada, Joe Biden and Donald Trump offer contrasting positions. The CBC has explored a few of these topics, in stories summarized here with links to a deeper dive on each. Here are five areas where the Nov. 3 presidential election might affect Canada. Energy and the environment There are striking differences between the candidates. Trump promises more oil drilling, more pipelines — and less regulation. Joe Biden, on the other hand, says he'd cancel Trump's permit for the Keystone XL pipeline from Canada. Biden wants to invest massively in clean energy; rejoin the Paris Accord; and, finally, name, shame and potentially punish countries with green tariffs if they fail to cut emissions. International trade Some irritants would remain no matter who wins. For instance, Biden promises more Buy American policies and perennial disputes like softwood lumber would not disappear. But Biden says he'd drop some of Trump's most aggressive moves against allies, like the steel and aluminum tariffs based on alleged national-security grounds. He has also hinted he might, eventually, try negotiating U.S. re-entry into the pan-Pacific trade pact now known as CPTPP. Trump's administration prides itself on a hard-nosed, transformative trade policy that includes lots of tariffs and duties, and has essentially paralyzed the World Trade Organization's dispute system. His trade team says it has a long-term plan; its critics say the results so far offer more chaos than benefits. Canadian defence policy has long rested on the assumption of an unshakeable partnership with the United States. Yet old alliances suddenly seem less sturdy. Trump has rattled old assumptions, repeatedly criticizing NATO allies for under-spending on their military. Past administrations have made similar complaints. But under a barrage of demands from Trump, allies have, in fact, upped their spending. Some defence analysts, and a top former aide to Trump, still fear he might withdraw from NATO in a second term. That uncertainty lingers over a deployment of Canadian troops in Eastern Europe. Biden is a staunch NATO advocate, and under his watch, Canada could face a different challenge: conversations about NATO's future role and missions. One major issue continues to hover over the continent: whether Canada will wind up spending billions to install new radar over the Arctic. China When the globe's two superpowers clash, Canada risks getting sideswiped. Just ask the Canadians in Chinese jail cells and the canola, pork and beef farmers punished by Beijing after Canada executed a U.S. arrest warrant against a high-profile Chinese telecom exec. China-U.S. tensions now loom over myriad global issues, touching the World Health Organization, the World Trade Organization, agriculture, educational exchanges, journalism, new technologies and sanctioned goods. Trump made these issues top priorities. And they're not going away. Biden, however, says he wants to approach things differently — for starters, by working more closely with allies. He plans to host a summit of democracies to discuss ways governments and private-sector companies like banks and social media platforms might push back against global authoritarianism. One thing Trump has not clearly articulated — and it's something Biden would be pressed to offer — is a sense of the long-term goal: How does the U.S. intend to coexist with China? Immigration Trump has indicated that for a second term, he would carry on with some of the more restrictive temporary work visa programs he established during his first term. Just recently, for example, he announced a major overhaul for H1-B visas. He is also seeking to end the temporary humanitarian protection of thousands of migrants who face threats back home, and decrease the overall number of refugees who come to the U.S. All this could put pressure on Canadian borders. Meanwhile, Biden has said he would reverse Trump's H1-B visa freeze, review the decision to end humanitarian protection for migrants, repeal Trump's travel ban and increase the number of refugees coming into the U.S. to 125,000. https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/5-ways-the-u-s-election-result-could-impact-canada-1.5753574

  • SAIC Wins $49.5M U.S. Navy Contract for Saudi C4ISR Upgrades, Refurbishment

    13 octobre 2020 | International, Naval, C4ISR

    SAIC Wins $49.5M U.S. Navy Contract for Saudi C4ISR Upgrades, Refurbishment

    Seapower Staff MCLEAN, Va. — The U.S. Navy awarded Science Applications International Corp. a $49.5 million single-award task order to continue to provide the Royal Saudi Naval Forces support services for command, control, communications, computers, and intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (C4ISR) upgrade and refurbishment, the company said in an Oct. 12 release. The work will take place in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Under the cost-plus fixed-fee task order, awarded as part of the SeaPort-NxG contract, SAIC will leverage repeatable solutions such as engineering, design and integration, integrated product support and sustainment capabilities on critical networks. These networks fulfill the Naval Information Warfare Systems Command's requirement for Program Executive Office C4I International Integration Program Office (PMW 740) Royal Saudi Naval Forces (RSNF) In-Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) Support Services. “For more than 40 years, SAIC has supported the Navy's mission to help maintain the Royal Saudi Naval Forces' C4ISR capability modernization, engineering and logistics,” said Jim Scanlon, SAIC executive vice president and general manager of the Defense Systems Group. “As a leader in technology integration, SAIC is excited to continue its assistance to the Navy as it continues to build this strategic partnership with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.” SAIC will deliver solutions and services to include program management, systems engineering and integration, maintenance engineering, and integrated logistics for the modernization and refurbishment of RSNF systems. These services are enabled by SAIC's legacy of support to RSNF, and SAIC's investments in digital engineering and end-to-end logistics and supply chain solutions. The prime contract has a five-year base period of performance. https://seapowermagazine.org/saic-wins-49-5m-u-s-navy-contract-for-saudi-c4isr-upgrades-refurbishment/

  • Transforming battlefield geometry: What’s to come in Project Convergence 2021

    13 octobre 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Terrestre

    Transforming battlefield geometry: What’s to come in Project Convergence 2021

    Jen Judson WASHINGTON — The U.S. Army's ambitious first Project Convergence, an exercise that measured the progress of the service's modernization strategy within its future operational concept, concluded last month, but the service already has a sense of what it wants to accomplish in 2021. The series of exercises and experiments that made up the Project Convergence “campaign of learning” took place at Yuma Proving Grounds, Arizona. The event, held over a six-week period in the harsh desert at America's southwest border, was deemed the most important Army event outside of global operations, and future annual iterations are expected to continue shaping the future force. “We're going to have even further transformation of the battlefield geometry,” Brig. Gen. Wally Rugen, who is in charge of future vertical lift modernization, told Defense News in an Oct. 6 interview ahead of the Association of the U.S. Army's annual conference. “We want to go deeper. We made it to 61.9 kilometers, across the forward line of troops in the scenario we fought in 2020,” Rugen said. “We will want to go farther than that.” The Army will also join forces with all of the other military services in 2021, according to Gen. John Murray, the head of Army Futures Command. It will be up to those other services the kinds of capabilities and technologies they each bring to the equation, but the intention is to have the Air Force's F-35 fighter jet integrated into the architecture of the operation. Earlier this month, the Army and the Air Force signed a two-year collaboration agreement to develop a concept for Joint All-Domain Command and Control, or JADC2, which carries over the Army's future war-fighting doctrine, “Multi-Domain Operations” — which is still in the concept phase — to the world of joint operations. JADC2 essentially connects sensors to shooters — which was the bread and butter of Project Convergence this year — across the joint force. The exercise involved about 500 people at Yuma; most were data collectors. The event represented a platoon-sized operation. But in 2021, according to Murray, an entire operational headquarters element will be brought in to drive the learning in terms of how “we organize and how we fight the capability in the future.” Additionally, the Army wants to bring in a multidomain task force from Joint Base Lewis-McChord in Washington state, which would likely be the centerpiece of Project Convergence 21, said Brig. Gen. John Rafferty, who leads the Army's long-range precision fires efforts, which is the service's top modernization priority. There will also be other operational units brought in “to help explore and to help test on a larger scale,” Rafferty told Defense News in an interview this month. Starting in 2021, the exercise will have a foreign flavor. The United Kingdom signed on to participate next year, Murray said, and Australia may join. In 2022, the focus of the exercise will build significantly in terms of involving coalition forces. The Army also plans to tie Project Convergence to other exercises happening at roughly the same time. For example, since the event has an objective to operate in denied and degraded environments, the Army's Position Navigation and Timing Assessment Exercise will likely be a part of Project Convergence in 2021. In its first year, the Army had elements from the modernization teams focused on future vertical lift, long-range precision fires, the next-generation combat vehicle, the network, and positioning, navigation and timing. Next year, more teams will join, including those dedicated to air and missile defense, soldier lethality, and the Synthetic Training Environment. The Army also plans to involve its developmental missile, meant to replace the Army Tactical Missile System for a long-range shot. The Precision Strike Missile — a weapon with an expected range of 500 kilometers — will likely have a test shot that aims to surpass that during Project Convergence. The missile has an aggressive test schedule next year. The Extended Range Cannon, or ERCA, which participated this year, will have new technology rolled in by 2021, Rafferty said. The service also plans to demonstrate the Excalibur Hit-to-Kill capability, which is one of the competitors for the Dual-Purpose Improved Conventional Munition replacement effort. “That really is the lethality component of ERCA at extended ranges,” he added. The future vertical lift team will bring its 20mm gun planned for its future attack reconnaissance aircraft to the event as well as its Modular Effects Launcher prototype, which will carry both lethal and nonlethal effects to deploy from the air, Rugen said. The Army has begun firing live rounds from the gun, and will fire roughly 285,000 rounds through it this fiscal year. The Air-Launched Effects, or ALE, capability played a critical role in Project Convergence this year, and is to return with increased capability and improved technology. “The lower tier of the air domain is decisive,” Rugen said. “I think '20 proved that yet again like it did in '19. We need a broader acceptance of that from the joint force and from defensewide. There is a capability to show up at the time and place of our choosing with vertical lift from relative sanctuary and have operational effects, and that's really what we intend to show in '21.” The network underpins everything at Project Convergence, and improvements will continue to be made so the network that shows up in 2021 is more robust and geared beyond what it was originally designed to do, which is to support a tactical brigade. “I think you'll see better discipline on our data management and message traffic, message formats, which, again, is going to help that machine-to-machine targeting,” Rugen said. To further improve the ground and air assets connectivity, there will be a few more waveforms incorporated “to see if they can produce the bandwidth we need.” The Army wants the mesh network established through ALEs to be “more resilient and have greater goals on distance,” he added. FIRESTORM is also expected to return next year. The system uses artificial intelligence to help select the optimal shooter for engagement. Surrogate robotic combat vehicles and an optionally manned fighting vehicle will continue to play a major role as well. The hope is also to bring in the Army's Integrated Air and Missile Defense Battle Command System, known as IBCS, which is currently undergoing development to connect sensors and shooters for the purpose of countering missile threats. The system recently completed a by-and-large successful limited-user test and will head into its initial operational test and evaluation in 2021. Murray noted that if the test and evaluation conflicts with the Army's schedule, the system will not participate in next year's Project Convergence, noting that the evaluation is a top priority for the program to remain on track. The Army is also hoping the Integrated Visual Augmentation System — which will provide soldiers with AI-enhanced goggles that assist with navigation, targeting, and advanced night and thermal vision — will be ready for next year's experimentation. Overall, the Army has collected “70-plus technologies” — to include a few capabilities from the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency — that it might incorporate into the event, Murray said, noting not all 70 will end up participating. https://www.defensenews.com/digital-show-dailies/ausa/2020/10/12/transforming-battlefield-geometry-whats-to-come-in-project-convergence-2021/

  • Bowen inaugure son centre de R&D aux Ulis

    13 octobre 2020 | International, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Bowen inaugure son centre de R&D aux Ulis

    PATRICK DÉSAVIE Le spécialiste des équipements complexes de radiofréquences et de télécommunications Bowen a inauguré le 8 octobre son nouveau centre de R&D aux Ulis (Essonne) où travaillent une cinquantaine de salariés. Spécialisé dans la conception et la fabrication d'équipements complexes de radiofréquence et de télécommunications, le groupe Bowen a inauguré, le 8 octobre son nouveau centre de R&D situé dans la grande zone d'activités de Courtabœuf aux Ulis (Essonne). http://Spécialisé dans la conception et la fabrication d'équipements complexes de radiofréquence et de télécommunications, le groupe Bowen a inauguré, le 8 octobre son nouveau centre de R&D situé dans la grande zone d'activités de Courtabœuf aux Ulis (Essonne) .

  • Défense : des Euroflir 410 pour les gendarmes aussi

    13 octobre 2020 | International, Aérospatial

    Défense : des Euroflir 410 pour les gendarmes aussi

    Jean-Marc Tanguy Safran Electronics & Defense va encore allonger la série des ventes de ses boules optroniques Euroflir 410. Cette fois, ce sont les gendarmes qui vont la retenir pour leurs Airbus Helicopters H160. Boules optroniques sur H160 A défaut de plan de relance, certains industriels français de la défense voient des commandes parfois imprévues tomber. C'est le cas pour Safran Electronics & Defense qui va encore allonger la série des ventes de boules optroniques Euroflir 410 : cette fois, ce sont les gendarmes qui vont la retenir pour leurs dix Airbus Helicopters H160. Un tiers de ces hélicoptères devra être opérationnel avant les JO de Paris en 2024. L'expérience Wescam Les gendarmes avaient fait confiance à Safran (Sagem à l'époque) pour leurs premières caméras embarquées, sur Ecureuil, mais leurs performances avaient vite perdu, et le système avait été retiré du service dans les années 2010, avec le matériel de transmission en temps réel afférent. La gendarmerie avait alors reporté son intérêt sur l'Américain Wescam. La boule MX-15 est efficace, mais a connu, en France en tout cas, des difficultés de service après-vente qui ont sans doute pesé lourd dans la balance. Restent les Fennec de l'Armée de l'Air Seulement, la préférence nationale post covid-19 y est aussi pour beaucoup, et il devient plus difficile de faire accepter des commandes de produits étrangers quand la France est productrice. Le choix de l'Euroflir 410 s'inscrit après les commandes françaises sur les Panther, puis le système de drone tactique de l'Armée de Terre (dont l'entrée en service est décalée de près de quatre ans/ndlr), puis les Dauphin loués par la Marine (une caméra pour deux hélicoptères), les quatre H160 de la Marine, et donc, désormais, la gendarmerie. La série n'est pas finie, Safran Electronics & Defense ambitionnant aussi de se placer sur les Fennec de l'Armée de l'Air. Airbus Helicopters Safran Electronics & Defense H160M AS 555 Fennec https://www.air-cosmos.com/article/dfense-des-euroflir-410-pour-les-gendarmes-aussi-23722

  • Contract Awards by US Department of Defense – October 09, 2020

    13 octobre 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité, Autre défense

    Contract Awards by US Department of Defense – October 09, 2020

    NAVY Electric Boat Corp., Groton, Connecticut, is awarded a $327,822,562 cost-plus-fixed-fee modification to previously awarded contract N00024-20-C-2120 for lead yard support and development studies and design efforts related to Virginia class submarines. Work will be performed in Groton, Connecticut (92%); Newport News, Virginia (7%); and Newport and Quonset Point, Rhode Island (1%), and is expected to be completed by April 2021. Fiscal 2020 research, development, test and engineering (Navy) (41%); and fiscal 2020 (25%); 2019 (12%); 2014 (9%); 2017 (7%); 2015 (3%); and 2018 (3%) shipbuilding and conversion (Navy) funding in the amount of $134,585,918 will be obligated at time of award. Fiscal 2020 research, development, test and engineering (Navy) funds in the amount of $55,000,000; and fiscal 2014 shipbuilding and conversion (Navy) funds in the amount of $11,792,469 will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was not competitively procured. The statutory authority for this sole-source award is in accordance with Federal Acquisition Regulation 6.302-1(a)(2)(iii); only one responsible source and no other supplies or services will satisfy agency requirements. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity. D Square LLC & AU Authum KI,* Tucson, Arizona (N62478-17-D-4018); Hawk-Niking LLC,* Wahiawa, Hawaii (N62478-17-D-4019); MACNAK-BCP JV,* Lakewood, Washington (N62478-17-D-4020); and Tokunaga Elite JV LLC,* Pearl City, Hawaii (N62478-17-D-4021), are each awarded an $80,000,000 firm-fixed-price modification to their respective previously awarded indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity, multiple-award, design-build/design-bid-build construction contracts for construction projects located primarily within the Naval Facilities Engineering Command (NAVFAC), Hawaii area of responsibility (AOR). The work to be performed provides for, but is not limited to, labor, supervision, tools, materials and equipment necessary to perform new construction, repair, alteration and related demolition of existing infrastructure based on design-build or design-bid-build (full plans and specifications) for infrastructure within the state of Hawaii. This modification increases the total cumulative value of the combined contracts to $178,000,000. No task orders are being awarded at this time. Work will be performed at various Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force and miscellaneous federal and other facilities in the NAVFAC Hawaii AOR and is expected to be completed by July 2022. No funds will be obligated at time of award; funds will be obligated on individual task orders as they are issued. Task orders will be primarily funded by operations and maintenance (Navy); and Navy working capital funds. The Naval Facilities Engineering Command, Hawaii, is the contracting activity. Tekla Research Inc.,* Fredericksburg, Virginia, is awarded a $24,405,000 commercial firm-fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract to provide test and evaluation support services for Commander, Operational Test and Evaluation Force Expeditionary Warfare Division. The contract will include a 60-month base ordering period with an additional six-month ordering period option pursuant of Federal Acquisition Regulation 52.217-8 – to extend services, which if exercised, will bring the total value to $27,000,000. The base ordering period is expected to begin November 2020, and be completed by November 2025; if the option is exercised, the ordering period will be completed by May 2026. All work will be performed in Norfolk, Virginia. Fiscal 2020 research, development, test and evaluation (Navy) funds in the amount of $2,500 will be obligated to fund the contract's minimum amount and funds will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. Individual task orders will be subsequently funded with appropriate fiscal year appropriations at the time of their issuance. This contract was competitively procured with the solicitation posted on beta.SAM.gov as a service-disabled, veteran-owned small business set-aside using commercial items procedures, with two offers received. The Naval Supply Systems Command, Fleet Logistics Center Norfolk, Contracting Department, Norfolk, Virginia, is the contracting activity (N00189-21-D-0001). ARMY SKE Support Services Gmbh, Goldbach, Germany (W912GB-21-D-0001); Sociedad Espanola De Montajes Industriales, Madrid, Spain (W912GB-21--D-0002); RCI Gulbene SIA, Gulbene, Latvia (W912GB-21-D-0003); Relyant Global LLC, Maryville, Tennessee (W912GB-21-D-0004); Tartu Bryan JV, Colorado Springs, Colorado (W912GB-21-D-0005); Infes UAB, Vilnius, Lithuania (W912GB-21-D-0006); and Mitnija UAB, Kaunas, Lithuania (W912GB-21-D-0007), will compete for each order of the $49,950,000 firm-fixed-price contract to provide design-build and design-bid-build construction services in Latvia and Lithuania. Bids were solicited via the internet with 24 received. Work locations and funding will be determined with each order, with an estimated completion date of Oct. 8, 2025. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Europe District, is the contracting activity. DEFENSE LOGISTICS AGENCY Bren-Tronics Inc.,* Commack, New York (SPE7LX-21-D-0009, $14,817,852); and Mathews Associates Inc.,** Sanford, Florida (SPE7LX-21-D-0010, $9,758,182), have each been awarded a firm-fixed-price, indefinite-quantity contract under solicitation SPE7MX-20-R-0106 for lithium-ion batteries used in multiple communications platforms. These were competitive acquisitions with five responses received. These are three-year base contracts with two one-year option periods. Locations of performance are New York and Florida, with an Oct. 8, 2023, performance completion date. Using military services are Army, Navy and Marine Corps. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2021 through 2024 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Land and Maritime, Columbus, Ohio. Belleville Shoe Co.,* Belleville, Illinois, has been awarded a maximum $9,939,099 modification (P00004) exercising the first one-year option period of one-year base contract (SPE1C1-20-D-1208) with three one-year option periods for temperate weather men's and women's coyote boots. This is a firm-fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract. Location of performance is Illinois, with an Oct. 10, 2021, ordering period end date. Using military service is Air Force. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2021 through 2022 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. U.S. SPECIAL OPERATIONS COMMAND Arcticom LLC, Anchorage, Alaska, was awarded a $9,950,000 maximum single award, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract (H92240-21-D-0002) with an ordering period of up to five years for contractor-provided non-personal services for Basic Underwater Demolition/SEAL (BUD/S) training support. Fiscal 2021 operations and maintenance funds in the amount of $2,500 are being obligated at the time of award. The work will be performed in various locations inside and outside the U.S. and may continue through fiscal 2025 depending on timing of orders placed by Naval Special Warfare Command (NSWC). The contract was awarded competitively with four proposals received. NSWC, Coronado, California, is the contracting activity. * Small business **Woman-owned small business https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Contracts/Contract/Article/2378667/source/GovDelivery/

  • Find out where Trump and Biden stand on defense and security issues

    13 octobre 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité, Autre défense

    Find out where Trump and Biden stand on defense and security issues

    Aaron Mehta and Joe Gould Arms Control: U.S. President Donald Trump: The Trump administration has withdrawn the U.S. from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal and the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, and (almost) the 1992 Open Skies Treaty. It has loosened the Missile Technology Control Regime's restrictions on selling armed drones to foreign governments amid concerns about China's defense relationships in the Middle East. As of press time, administration officials have been unwilling to extend the 2010 New START nuclear pact with Russia, which expires in February, insisting that a new version include Russia's growing arsenal of tactical nuclear weapons and China, whose smaller arsenal is rapidly expanding and which appears unwilling to sign such an agreement. Former U.S. Vice President Joe Biden: Favored by arms control advocates, Biden has promised to renew New START and would likely accept Russia's offer to extend it five years without preconditions. He also said he would rejoin the Iran nuclear deal if it returned to full compliance described in the agreement. While Trump has loosened restrictions on the use of landmines by the U.S. military in conflict areas, Biden has said the move unnecessarily puts civilians at risk and that he would reverse it. Nuclear weapons: Trump: It's expected the current president would stay on his path of modernizing all three legs of the nuclear arsenal — something that has bipartisan support in Congress despite growing budget pressure. Trump deployed the W76-2 submarine-launched, low-yield nuclear warhead to counter a similar Russian weapon, and he has plans for a submarine-launched cruise missile, or SLCM. Trump approved a $44.5 billion nuclear weapons budget request in fiscal 2021 — an increase of about 19 percent — meant for the W76-2, several ongoing nuclear warhead life extension programs, a future W93 submarine-launched ballistic missile warhead, and the expansion of the production of plutonium pits for nuclear warheads to at least 80 per year. Biden: Biden signaled he would scale back Trump's buildup. The Democratic nominee for president is opposed to the W76-2 and an SLCM. Biden would face pressure from the left to drop plans to build a new nuclear intercontinental ballistic missile force, replacing the Minuteman III fleet fielded in 1970, though he has not announced a position on it. Biden said he would review a policy reserving the option of using nuclear weapons first. Defense budget: Trump: The Pentagon's five-year defense plan indicates it will request flat defense spending after 2021, and — under pressure from coronavirus-related expenses — the budget is widely expected to stay flat regardless of who is president. Trump championed record national defense top lines of $700 billion in 2018, $716 billion in 2019 and $733 billion for 2020, and he created the new Space Force. He has also diverted billions of defense dollars to fund a southern border wall, and in 2018 he backed off a proposal for a $750 billion defense budget, calling it “crazy.” Biden: Biden said Trump “abandoned all fiscal discipline when it comes to defense spending,” and while he doesn't foresee major U.S. defense cuts if elected, he would face pressure from the left to make them. To affordably deter Russia and China, Biden said he would shift investments from “legacy systems that won't be relevant” to “smart investments in technologies and innovations — including in cyber, space, unmanned systems and artificial intelligence.” He also wants to boost neglected nonmilitary investments, such as “diplomacy, economic power, education, and science and technology.” Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran: Trump: Both candidates have railed against “endless wars,” and both have vowed to bring U.S. troops home from Afghanistan. After engaging in peace talks with the Taliban, the U.S. cut its troop presence to 8,600 in June, with plans to go to 4,500 by November and no troops by the spring. For Iraq, Trump plans to go from 5,200 troops to 3,000 by November. On Iran, Trump withdrew the U.S. from the nuclear deal and reimposed crippling trade sanctions as part of a maximum-pressure campaign. The administration recently warned allies it may target leaders of Iran-backed militias that have targeted U.S. forces and diplomatic posts in Iraq. Biden: Biden has vowed to bring U.S. combat troops home from Iraq and Afghanistan, likely leaving residual counterterrorism forces. His camp favors small-scale operations (maybe led by special forces) rather than large, open-ended troop deployments, which he agrees would require the informed consent of the American people. Biden, who voted for the Iraq War when he was a senator, said during his current campaign that he played a key role in the Obama administration's drawdown of 150,000 U.S. forces from Iraq. On Iran, he said he would commit to preventing the country from acquiring a nuclear weapon, offer a diplomatic path while maintaining targeted sanctions, and work closely with Israel to ensure the American ally can defend itself against Iran and its proxies. Arms sales: Trump: Increasing U.S. arms sales has been a central focus of Trump and his administration's foreign policy. He's moved to speed up the review process for major arms sales, made it easier to export firearms, eased the criteria for selling armed drones under the Missile Technology Control Regime and directed U.S. diplomats to advocate for American weapons purchases. He advanced several sales suspended under the Obama administration — which played into a clash with Congress over sales to Saudi Arabia and other parties to the war in Yemen. Though Trump has touted the economic benefits of U.S. arms sales abroad, the idea is also to provide partners with American alternatives to Russian and Chinese weapons in order to maintain American influence. Biden: While Biden hasn't made his views clear about arms sales overall, he said he would end U.S. military and other support for the Saudi-led war in Yemen. As he reassesses the U.S.-Saudi relationship, he would end weapon sales to Riyadh (which has historically been the top partner for U.S. military sales). “We will make clear that America will never again check its principles at the door just to buy oil or sell weapons,” Biden said. On firearm exports, his campaign said he may reverse a Trump administration rule that moved jurisdiction from the State Department to the Commerce Department. NATO and Europe: Trump: Among Trump's earliest foreign policy stances was a pledge to “get allies to pay their fair share,” particularly by getting NATO members to spend at least 2 percent of their gross domestic product on defense by 2024. That percentage of GDP is a NATO-backed goal. Trump often mischaracterizes that pledge as allies being “delinquent” in paying the U.S. funds. Trump has also pushed for tough trade rules with European nations, which has led to tensions with European capitals. Biden: Biden and his advisers have drawn a contrast with Trump, pledging to rehabilitate frayed alliances. Biden has hit Trump for straining relations between the U.S. and Europe. He said the next president must “salvage our reputation, rebuild confidence in our leadership, and mobilize our country and our allies to rapidly meet new challenges,” pledging that he would “take immediate steps to renew U.S. democracy and alliances, protect the United States' economic future, and once more have America lead the world.” Biden plans to review troop movements out of Germany if he takes office, according to a top foreign policy aide. Great power competition: Trump: The Trump administration's National Defense Strategy announced a new era of great power competition. But while that includes Russia on paper, the administration's economic and military focus has squarely focused on China; the rhetoric from Trump has only increased following the COVID-19 outbreak, which the Republican president has called the “China virus.” Militarily, the Pentagon is attempting to shift focus and investments toward Pacific priorities, while also withdrawing forces from Europe. Biden: While in the Senate, Biden pushed for better relations with China through increased commercial ties. But he now views China as “the greatest strategic challenge to the United States and our allies in Asia and in Europe,” one of the few areas in which he and Trump agree. Biden has called Chinese President Xi Jinping a “thug” and pledged “swift economic sanctions” against China if it tries to influence American companies or citizens. While Trump has bragged about having a good relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin, expect a different tone from Biden should he occupy the White House. The former vice president has described Trump as “subservient” to Putin," and has talked about telling Putin directly: “I don't think you have a soul.” Information about the candidates was compiled from a series of sources including: Defense News; Military Times; Al-Monitor; Arms Control Association; Center for International Policy; CNBC; CNN; Council for a Livable World; Defense One; Foreign Affairs; Forum on the Arms Trade; Los Angeles Times; Military Officers Association of America; New York Times; New Yorker Magazine; Reuters; Stars and Stripes; The Associated Press; Vox; Washington Examiner; and Washington Post. https://www.defensenews.com/global/the-americas/2020/10/09/find-out-where-trump-and-biden-stand-on-defense-and-security-issues/

  • Finland gets the green light to buy F-35, F-18 and billions of dollars in weapons

    13 octobre 2020 | International, Aérospatial

    Finland gets the green light to buy F-35, F-18 and billions of dollars in weapons

    Valerie Insinna WASHINGTON — The U.S. State Department on Oct. 9 approved the sale of the F/A-18EF Super Hornet and F-35 Joint Strike Fighter to Finland, paving the way for the nation to purchase American jets should either Boeing or Lockheed Martin win its ongoing fighter competition. The two U.S. offerings are facing off in a multinational contest that also includes France's Dassault Rafale, the British-made Eurofighter Typhoon and the Swedish Saab Gripen E/F. The F-35 package, worth $12.5 billion, includes 64 F-35A conventional-takeoff-and-landing jets, 66 Pratt & Whitney F135 engines, and the aircraft's associated communications and electronic warfare systems. Notably, it contains not only the aircraft's current logistics system — the troubled Autonomic Logistics Information System — but also its replacement — the Operational Data Integrated Network — which is under development. Meanwhile, the Super Hornet package — worth an estimated $14.7 billion — includes 50 single-seat F/A-18E jets, eight double-seated F/A-18Fs and 14 EA-18G Growlers, which is the electronic attack variant. The package also includes 166 F414-GE-400 engines for the dual-engine fighter, Sniper targeting pods, AN/APG-79 radars, AN/ALR-67(V)3 electric warfare countermeasures receiving sets, and Next Generation Jammer Midband and advanced electronic attack kits for the EA-18G. Both offers include a suite of munitions for the aircraft, including 500 Small Diameter Bomb II weapons, 150 AIM-9X missiles, 200 Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile-Extended Range weapons, Joint Standoff Weapons, Joint Direct Attack Munition kits that turn dumb bombs into precision-guided weapons, and assorted test and support gear for training and maintenance. After the U.S. Defense Security Cooperation Agency posted the notification of the potential sale, Finland's Ministry of Defence released a statement clarifying that the announcement represents an important procedural step forward for the HX Fighter Program, but that negotiations with all competitors are ongoing. “The announcement of the notification procedure does not constitute a procurement decision by Finland, as the decision to procure multi-role fighters will be made by the Government in 2021,” the statement said. “Furthermore, the types and quantities of multi-role fighters and weapons specified in the notification do not represent the final content of the Finnish procurement package; instead, the list published by the DSCA indicates those items and quantities that the US administration is prepared to sell at this stage of the procurement process.” Finland also addressed the price of the packages, which exceed the $12 billion budget set by the country for the total cost of the program. “In the FMS procedure, the quantities and prices proposed for approval are generally set higher than what the purchasing country has indicated in its own request. The purpose of this formality is to avoid the need to submit a new and time-consuming Congressional Notification in the event that the purchasing country makes changes to the procurement package,” it said. The winner of the HX competition will produce up to 64 fighters to replace Finland's Boeing F/A-18C/D Hornets, which are expected to be retired by 2030. Instead of issuing a requirement for a particular number of aircraft with set capabilities, Finland is allowing the vendors to create packages of aircraft and weapons that best meet the Air Force's operational needs — and the nation's budget. Despite financial setbacks to the country caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, Finland's Defence Ministry in August proposed a massive 54 percent spending boost to the defense budget to $5.8 billion in 2021 (4.87 billion Euros), with much of the increase caused by the HX competition. Corrected on 10/9/20 at 3:23 p.m. EST to reflect the correct budget numbers. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/10/09/finland-gets-the-green-light-to-buy-the-f-35-or-super-hornetand-billions-of-dollars-in-weapons/

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