5 mars 2021 | International, Aérospatial

Lockheed successfully tests multiple-launch rocket system

Lockheed Martin recently ran a successful test of its next-generation Extended-Range Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System at White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico.

https://www.upi.com/Defense-News/2021/03/04/Lockheed-Martin-rocket-system-test-New-Mexico/2311614890633

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  • Cure de rajeunissement des hélicoptères CH-146 | Un projet de 800 millions, retombées difficiles à chiffrer

    2 juin 2022 | International, Aérospatial

    Cure de rajeunissement des hélicoptères CH-146 | Un projet de 800 millions, retombées difficiles à chiffrer

    Bell Textron Canada pilotera un projet de 800 millions pour prolonger la durée de vie des 85 CH-146 Griffon de l’Aviation royale canadienne, mais seulement 9 hélicoptères se poseront à l’usine de la multinationale située à Mirabel pour y subir une cure de rajeunissement.

  • Défense : General Atomics pousse son drone MALE

    25 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval

    Défense : General Atomics pousse son drone MALE

    Face aux retards pris dans le programme de drone MALE européen, General Atomics pousse un concept de location, avec ou sans équipages. Du drone MALE en location Dans la famille General Atomics, on trouvait le Predator, le Reaper, le Sky Gardian et voici maintenant... le MALE (medium altitude, long endurance) disponible à la location ! La firme californienne a déjà démontré la viabilité d'un Reaper prêt à surveiller pour l'US Marine Corps : plus de 7 000 heures de vol ont ainsi été réalisés par des équipages de la société pour le compte des « Leathernecks », et en zone opérationnelle (Afghanistan) de surcroît. Cette démonstration sans la moindre anicroche pourrait bien faire école. Car dans l'éternelle et nécessaire progression capacitaire, les Etats butent souvent sur deux écueils : d'une part, trouver les ressources budgétaires pour acheter l'engin et le mettre en vol dans la durée. D'autre part, identifier puis former la ressource humaine, hautement qualifiée, qui doit assurer le vol lui-même, dont le coeur figure dans l'équipage à quatre personnels. Toujours pas de drone européen General Atomics croit donc à son concept de location, avec ou sans équipage, y compris en Europe, pour venir compléter les flottes exploitées par les Etats eux-mêmes. Des formules de ce type sont déjà employées pour d'autres vecteurs à peine moins sensibles, les avions ISR, notamment par la... France, grande consommatrice depuis une dizaine d'années. Le Reaper est servi par un coût d'exploitation relativement bas, à 2700 dollars l'heure de vol, un coût imbattable lié à son unique turbine PT-6, l'aérodynamique du Reaper fait le reste. Alors que les Européens de l'Ouest sont toujours à t'tonner pour savoir comment résoudre leurs problèmes de MALE, avec un drone européen toujours sans accord Français, au moins. La ministre des Armées estime que le concept d'Airbus, essentiellement tourné vers les besoins Allemands, coûte bien trop cher (deux fois plus cher qu'un Sky Guardian adapté aux besoins européens, l'Euro-Guardian) et ne répond pas aux besoins Français. La Marine veut aussi du MALE Dopée par les résultats de son Reaper Block 1 (déjà ancien mais toujours vaillant), l'Armée de l'Air ne peut que constater que l'appareil désormais armé a déjà raflé 40 % des frappes depuis le début de l'année au Sahel. Elle a aussi constaté que le programme européen a déjà au moins trois ans de retard et n'arrivera donc pas, au mieux, avant 2028. Sans préjuger du destin du programme de MALE Européen... ou de la rejointe sur un programme d'Euro-Guardian, qui pourrait faire la place aux sociétés européennes, les besoins en locations seront, de toute façon, patents. D'autant plus que la Marine nationale a aussi clairement exprimé son besoin pour un MALE, et n'a pas exclu d'en loger dans son programme AVSIMAR (avion de surveillance et d'intervention maritime). https://air-cosmos.com/article/dfense-general-atomics-pousse-son-drone-male-23102

  • Securing technological superiority requires a joint US-Israel effort

    25 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Securing technological superiority requires a joint US-Israel effort

    By: Bradley Bowman   The United States is now engaged in an intense military technology competition with the Chinese Communist Party. The ability of U.S. troops to deter and defeat great power authoritarian adversaries hangs in the balance. To win this competition, Washington must beef up its military cooperative research and development efforts with tech-savvy democratic allies. At the top of that list should be Israel. Two members of the Senate Armed Services Committee understand this well. Sens. Gary Peters, D-Mich., and Tom Cotton, R-Ark., introduced S 3775, the “United States-Israel Military Capability Act of 2020,” on Wednesday. This bipartisan legislation would require the establishment of a U.S.-Israel operations-technology working group. As the senators wrote in a February letter to Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, the working group would help ensure U.S. “warfighters never encounter a more technologically advanced foe.” Many Americans may be surprised to learn that they can no longer take U.S. military technological superiority for granted. In his new book, “The Kill Chain,” former Senate Armed Services Committee staff director Chris Brose notes that, over the last decade, the United States loses war games against China “almost every single time.” To halt this trend, the Pentagon must shift its ongoing modernization efforts into high gear. Early cooperative R&D with the “Startup Nation” can help in this regard. Israel is one of America's closest and most technologically advanced allies. The country boasts an “innovative and agile defense technology sector” that is a “global leader in many of the technologies important to Department of Defense modernization efforts,” as the legislation notes. Some may deem the working group unnecessary, citing the deep and broad cooperation that already exists between the United States and Israel. But, as the legislation explains, “dangerous United States military capability gaps continue to emerge that a more systematic and institutionalized United States-Israel early cooperative research and development program could have prevented.” Consider the fact, for example, that the Pentagon only last year acquired for U.S. tanks active protection systems from Israel that had been operational there since 2011. Consequently, U.S. soldiers operated for years in tanks and armored vehicles around the world lacking the cutting-edge protection Washington could have provided against missiles and rockets. That put U.S. soldiers in unnecessary risk. Such examples put the burden of proof on those who may be tempted to reflexively defend the status quo as good enough. Given the breakneck speed of our military technology race with the Chinese Communist Party, it's clear the continued emergence of decade-long delays in adopting crucial technology is no longer something we can afford. One of the reasons for these delays and failures to team up with Israeli partners at the beginning of the process is that U.S. and Israeli defense suppliers sometimes find it difficult to secure Washington's approval for combined efforts to research and produce world-class weapons. Some requests to initiate combined U.S.-Israel R&D programs linger interminably in bureaucratic no-man's land, failing to elicit a timely decision. Confronted by deadly and immediate threats, Israel often has little choice but to push ahead alone with unilateral R&D programs. When that happens, the Pentagon misses out on Israel's sense of urgency that could have led to the more expeditious fielding of weapons to U.S. troops. And Israel misses out on American innovation prowess as well as on the Pentagon's economy of scale, which would lower unit costs and help both countries stretch their finite defense budgets further. Secretary Esper appears to grasp the opportunity. “If there are ways to improve that, we should pursue it,” he testified on March 4, 2020, in response to a question on the U.S.-Israel working group proposal. “The more we can cooperate together as allies and partners to come up with common solutions, the better,” Esper said. According to the legislation, the working group would serve as a standing forum for the United States and Israel to “systematically share intelligence-informed military capability requirements,” with a goal of identifying capabilities that both militaries need. It would also provide a dedicated mechanism for U.S. and Israeli defense suppliers to “expeditiously gain government approval to conduct joint science, technology, research, development, test, evaluation, and production efforts.” The legislation's congressional reporting requirement would hold the working group accountable for providing quick answers to U.S. and Israeli defense supplier requests. That's a benefit of the working group that will only become more important when the economic consequences of the coronavirus put additional, downward pressure on both defense budgets. Once opportunities for early cooperative U.S.-Israel R&D are identified and approved, the working group would then facilitate the development of “combined United States-Israel plans to research, develop, procure, and field weapons systems and military capabilities as quickly and economically as possible.” In the military technology race with the Chinese Communist Party, the stakes are high and the outcome is far from certain. A U.S.-Israel operations technology working group represents an essential step to ensure the United States and its democratic allies are better equipped than their adversaries. Bradley Bowman is the senior director of the Center on Military and Political Power at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/05/22/securing-technological-superiority-requires-a-joint-us-israel-effort/

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