Le délégué général pour l’armement, Joël Barre, favorable à une convergence entre le Système de Combat Aérien du Futur (SCAF) et le programme Tempest

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  14 janvier 2019 | International, Terrestre

  Here are the four prizes Textron Systems is watching in 2019

  By: Valerie Insinna WASHINGTON — Textron Systems is focusing on the U.S. Army this year, with its chief executive naming four unmanned and small arms programs with the service as the company's “need to win” items in 2019. Speaking to reporters Jan. 10, Textron President and CEO Lisa Atherton laid out the company's top priorities: 1. Squad Mobility Equipment Transport With its recent acquisition of Howe & Howe Technologies, Textron finds itself a player in the Army's Squad Mobility Equipment Transport competition. The Army wants to buy a robotic equipment carrier that troops can load with their gear, and Howe & Howe's tracked RS2-H1 robot is competing alongside three other companies for the contract. “We believe that program will progress this year, and we look forward to moving that to low-rate production,” Atherton said. The other competitors undergoing tests with the Army and Marine Corps are the Polaris MRZR X, a four-wheeled vehicle based on the Polaris MRZR currently in service with the Marines; the General Dynamics four-wheel drive Multi-Utility Tactical Transport; and the six-wheeled HDT Global Hunter WOLF, or Wheeled Offload Logistics Follower, Army Times reported last year. Each company delivered prototypes to two Army infantry brigade combat teams and a Marine Corps unit for tests last year. “They asked us to deliver eight vehicles and then just give them to the soldiers and let the soldiers do what they will with them and basically try to break them,” Atherton said. The vehicles have now come back to Textron in good working condition, which Atherton said is a “testament to the robustness of that capability.” After a year of tests, the Army will make a decision on the way forward with the program, which could involve a downselect to a single SMET provider, Army Times has reported. 2. Robotic combat vehicle As the Army looks to replace the Bradley Fighting Vehicle with what the service is calling the Next Generation Combat Vehicle, it is also hoping to develop an unmanned tank that can accompany it into battle as a robotic “wingman.” Again, Textron's acquisition of Howe & Howe gives the company an entry point into the competition, Atherton said. “We believe that the Ripsaw is tailor-made for that,” she said, referring to the light unmanned tank developed by Howe & Howe. “So this year we will be focused on responding to the [requests for proposals] that come out for the prototypes.” Ripsaw's appearance on the show “Jay Leno's Garage” attracted Atherton's attention to Howe & Howe and laid the foundation for the company's eventual acquisition. The robotic tank has been featured in numerous TV and movie spots, including the film “Mad Max: Fury Road.” The Army previously tested it at Picatinny Arsenal in New Jersey. Atherton said Textron will make investments to improve the survivability of Ripsaw, as well as add “other innovations.” Brig. Gen. David Lesperance, who is leading the NGCV Cross-Functional Team, said in March that both NGCV and robot combat vehicle prototypes will be ready for soldier evaluations by 2020, with follow-on prototypes ready by 2022 and 2024. 3. Future tactical unmanned aerial system As the Army looks to replace its RQ-7 Shadow drones, it's testing a number of small, nondevelopmental unmanned aerial systems with the hopes of buying something off the shelf. As part of that effort, Textron was chosen to demonstrate Aerosonde HQ at Dugway Proving Ground, Utah, last month, Atherton said. Aerosonde HQ is a version of Textron's small Aerosonde UAS and includes a kit that allows it to take off and land vertically. “Our team widely exceeded the threshold requirements,” she said. “So we're very proud of what we were able to do: very rapidly integrate those techniques and procedures and technologies into the Aerosonde to be able to provide that to the Army for the future tactical UAS.” 4. Next Generation Squad Weapons Textron also believes it has strong offerings for the Army's Next Generation Squad Weapons effort, an umbrella program to replace soldiers' small arms, Atherton said. Reducing the weight of small arms is a major goal of the program, and Textron previously developed case-telescoped weapons it claims are lighter in weight and more lethal than current weaponry. “We believe we are the leaders in the case-telescoped prototypes for the Army's next-generation squad weapon with our lightweight small arms technologies,” Atherton said. The company showcased a 5.56mm light machine gun variant and a 6.5mm caseless service rifle variant at the Association of the U.S. Army's annual meeting in 2017, Army Times reported. The service has awarded contracts to Textron; FN America, LLC; General Dynamics; PCP Tactical; and Sig Sauer to build prototypes of a Next Generation Squad Automatic Rifle, or NGSAR. The prototypes are due to be delivered this year. That weapon would replace the M249 Squad Automatic Weapon, which fires 5.56mm rounds. The program also seeks to find a replacement for the M4, which it calls the Next Generation Squad Weapon Rifle, or NGSW-Rifle. Both NGSW-Rifle and NGSAR will fire 6.8mm rounds. https://www.defensenews.com/land/2019/01/11/here-are-the-four-prizes-textron-systems-is-watching-in-2019

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  26 décembre 2019 | International, Aérospatial

  NATO declares space ‘operational domain,’ but more work remains

  By: Bradley Bowman and Andrew Gabel The North Atlantic Treaty Organization recently declared that space is an “operational domain” for the alliance. Though much work remains to actualize an integrated NATO space posture, the affirmation is an important benchmark as NATO scrambles to meet rapidly evolving space and counter-space threats. Today, space-based assets are an Achilles' heel of U.S. military operations, representing a vital enabling mechanism upon which success often depends. In addition, great power adversaries could target civilian space assets to wreak havoc on the homeland in ways that redound far beyond the military realm. America's enemies have taken notice. “Foreign governments are developing capabilities that threaten others' ability to use space,” according to a 2019 U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency assessment. “China and Russia, in particular, have taken steps to challenge the United States.” Russia has spent decades building up its counter-space arsenal, from cutting-edge electronic warfare capabilities to probable ground-launched anti-satellite weapons. Moscow believes that “achieving supremacy in space” can enable victory in future conflicts. China's People's Liberation Army apparently agrees. Beijing has also identified space superiority — and space denial — as essential planks in its modern “informatized” military strategy. Indeed, China “continues to improve its counterspace weapons capabilities and has enacted military reforms to better integrate cyberspace, space, and EW into joint military operations,” the DIA assessment read. These threats are already materializing. Russia is suspected to be behind nearly 10,000 GPS spoofing incidents — affecting over 1,300 civilian navigation systems — according to a report by C4ADS released last June. China has also targeted America's vulnerability in space, notoriously hacking U.S. weather systems and satellite networks in 2014, after testing an anti-satellite weapon in 2007, which generated a cloud of hazardous space debris. Fortunately, NATO is beginning to respond. In June 2019, NATO approved a new space policy, which NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg has described as an acknowledgment of NATO's reliance upon satellites for a range of fundamental military functions. These include, for example, communications, tracking, early warning, surveillance and navigation. Though only a “framework” for now, it is an important start. Today the U.S. shares space situational awareness data with its NATO allies and vice versa. Yet, there is potential for deeper collaboration in additional areas such as hosted payloads on satellites and communications. And while there is disagreement within the alliance with respect to space weaponization, this tension should not prevent the alliance from forging ahead on a number of important initiatives. Examples include general space-asset resilience (including within the electromagnetic spectrum), space-reliant communication, synchronized threat warning, command and control, and surveillance and reconnaissance. A space sensor layer, for instance, will be critical to tracking and intercepting Russian hypersonic missiles, an emerging threat against which there is currently no adequate defense. NATO must take swift action to redress these areas of exposure. But how? To begin with, NATO could publish a publicly available strategy document analogous to the U.S.-produced National Defense Strategy. This would provide multiyear strategic signposts and, because of its public availability, outside accountability. As proposed by others, NATO could also run annual “Space Flag” exercises akin to the current “Red Flag” exercises, which today help hone large-scale, multinational joint air operations. “Space Flag” could likewise be used to systematically develop and refine space contingencies against red cell adversaries. In addition, NATO could explore co-developing NATO-specific space assets from inception, tailored for NATO's mission and permanently integrated into NATO's command structure. The United States and Europe's combined space experience and infrastructure is a comparative advantage vis-a-vis Russia and China. If put to proper use, it could give NATO's space dominance efforts a significant leg up. Finally, NATO could entertain the formation of a combined NATO-operated space assets pool, to which existing current member states could contribute existing capacity. A study conducted by the NATO-sponsored Joint Air Power Competence Centre found it “demonstrably feasible” to complete multination, multi-satellite constellations. The study suggested such an approach could emulate NATO partnerships related to the E-3A, C-17 and A-400M platforms but would be “potentially conducive to additional flexibility and innovation.” The same report cites the Disaster Monitoring Constellation, or DMC, program — an existing multinational satellite-monitoring program used for disaster relief — as an existing example of effectively marshaling space assets. DMC's shared capabilities “reduce cost, enable sharing, and can be upgraded and expanded to address emerging concerns.” So, too, might a NATO constellation. Officially recognizing space as an operational domain and establishing a framework for a unified space policy are laudable steps forward for NATO — necessary to counter both present and future threats. But waking up to the threat is not enough. Now is the time for tangible and urgent collective action to secure the ultimate high ground. Bradley Bowman is senior director for the Center on Military and Political Power with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, where Andrew Gabel is a research analyst. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2019/12/16/nato-declares-space-operational-domain-but-more-work-remains

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  3 juillet 2018 | International, Naval

  L’Alliance, navire de recherche de l’Otan, teste des drones sous-marins dans le grand Nord

  (B2 – En mer de Norvège) Alors qu'il naviguait entre l'Islande et la Norvège, nous avons pu embarquer quelques heures à bord du Nato Research Vessel (NRV) Alliance. Ce navire original, qui embarque des spécialistes de différents pays de l'Otan, teste des drones sous-marins dans les eaux glacés de l'Arctique. « Nous amenons la science à la mer », résume le docteur Catherine Warner, l'Américaine qui dirige le Centre de recherche et d'expérimentation maritime (CMRE) dont dépend le bateau. Bardé d'antennes, de sonars et de machines expérimentales, ce b'timent fait la fierté de l'Otan. Les officiels en visite à bord y voient une preuve de la capacité des Alliés à développer de nouvelles solutions pour répondre aux besoins des militaires. Les drones sous-marins ou gliders Si le NRV Alliance est susceptible de travailler sur tous les domaines identifiés comme prioritaires par les marines de l'Otan (lutte anti-sous-marines, lutte-anti-mines, renseignement...), ses travaux sont actuellement concentrés sur les drones sous-marins, appelés gliders en anglais. Des engins qui pourraient révolutionner de nombreuses missions. NB : Le NRV Alliance et ses drones participent régulièrement à des manoeuvres de l'Otan, comme l'exercice de renseignement interalliés Unified Vision 2018. Lire ici. Plus endurants que les hommes ? Ces drones séduisent au sein de l'Otan. C'est un haut gradé, riche d'une expérience dans le renseignement militaire maritime, qui en résume tout l'attrait : « Un équipage humain a besoin de retourner au port pour dormir, manger et voir sa famille. Ces robots peuvent rester des mois en mer. » Peu coûteux, discrets, polyvalents, endurants et autonomes, ces engins sont au cœur des expérimentations menées par les 25 scientifiques à bord. Ceux qu'ils utilisent actuellement, des Slocum G3 de l'Américain Teledyne, cartographient les fonds marins et font des relevés de températures et de courants. Des informations cruciales pour repérer et surveiller les mouvements de sous-marins, par exemple. Multiusages Le potentiel des gliders intéresse dans des domaines divers. Ces engins ont été testés dans la lutte anti-mines, avec des robots capables de patrouiller, de reconnaître des menaces et de les signaler à l'homme qui pourra ensuite intervenir. Un moyen intéressant de palier à une flotte européenne de navires de lutte anti-mines de plus en plus vieillissante et coûteuse à remplacer. Dans un autre registre, des drones pourraient mailler les fonds de certains points stratégiques pour surveiller les mouvements de sous-marins adverses. D'ici quelques années, si des puissances étaient capables de bloquer ainsi certains axes clefs, la dissuasion nucléaire pourrait se voir impactée et devrait se réinventer dans sa composante navale. C'est l'un des intérêts du grand Nord, où transitent régulièrement des sous-marins nucléaires. De l'aveu d'un haut gradé de l'Otan, spécialiste en matière de renseignement, ces drones sous-marins sont à l'heure actuelle presque indétectables. Les sous-marins remis en cause L'arrivée de ces submersibles risque de remettre en question tout le fonctionnement sous-marin. D'autant plus qu'ils sont très majoritairement automatisés : vu la difficulté pour assurer les communications sous l'eau, il n'est pas possible de les piloter en permanence. L'homme se contente donc en réalité de suivre les mouvements sur des écrans, ne donnant que quelques ajustements pour les remontées régulières en surface. Une évolution stratégique qui rappelle au docteur Catherine Warner un autre grand changement au sein de l'US Air Force, où elle s'occupait de plusieurs programmes de drones : « Les sous-mariniers sont pour l'instant sceptiques. Comme pour les pilotes de l'US Air Force lorsque les Predator sont arrivés à l'époque. Mais aujourd'hui, ils ont pleinement intégré l'intérêt de ces drones et ils ont accepté de travailler dessus. » Un navire presque unique Conçu sur mesure Le NVR Alliance est un navire conçu sur mesure pour les besoins de l'Otan, dans les ateliers de l'Italien Fincantieri. Livré en 1988, il embarque une multitude d'équipements de recherche qui en font un laboratoire en pointe dans le domaine des études maritimes. Il dispose des dernières technologies dans les domaines océanographique, acoustique, météorologique ainsi que de son propre atelier pour réparer ou modifier le matériel. « La force de ce navire, explique un scientifique à bord, c'est qu'il permet d'aller tester des idées dehors, en conditions réelles. » Le b'timent peut de fait aller naviguer dans les eaux polaires. Le tout avec des conditions de vie à bord qui restent très confortables : la quasi-totalité des chercheurs dispose de cabines individuelles ! L'Alliance au sein de l'Otan Le NRV Alliance est, avec le CRB Leonardo, l'un des deux navires détenus en propre par l'Otan. Rattaché au Centre de recherche et d'expérimentation maritime (CMRE) de La Spezia (Italie), il est chargé de tester des technologies au profit des Alliés. Le b'timent a longtemps été opéré par des marins allemands, jusqu'en 2015. Pour simplifier la logistique dans son port d'attache, il a été transféré aux mains de la marine italienne qui a rapidement séduit les scientifiques à bord avec sa botte secrète : la pizza en guise de casse-croûte nocturne ! Des pionniers pas toujours suivis Les équipes du NVR Alliance travaillent en collaboration avec des industriels et des universités. Ils développent souvent leurs propres solutions aux problématiques identifiées. Ils ont par exemple acheté un drone Bluefin au Français Thales, dans lequel ils ont intégré leurs propres équipements. Le fabricant a pu bénéficier des retours et progresse ainsi dans son développement, gr'ce aux essais de l'Otan. Côté autorité publique, l'enthousiasme n'est pas toujours aussi présent. De l'aveu du docteur Catherine Warner, les découvertes à bord ne sont pas toujours suivies par les États commanditaires qui hésitent à poursuivre les investissements. https://www.bruxelles2.eu/2018/07/03/lalliance-navire-de-recherche-de-lotan-teste-des-drones-sous-marins-dans-le-grand-nord/