23 mai 2019 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité, Autre défense

Entretiens européens de la défense 2019 (1) : une ‘grand strategy’ pour l’Europe (J. Howorth)

(B2) L'Union européenne doit reconsidérer sa relation avec les Etats-Unis et l'OTAN pour faire émerger une stratégie de défense européenne. C'est ce qu'a défendu Jolyon Howorth, professeur émérite à la Harvard Kennedy School, durant les seconds entretiens européens de la défense à Paris jeudi (16 mai)

Face à la création d'une armée européenne, trois obstacles...

Les Américains s'inquiètent des conséquences d'une défense européenne pour leur leadership. Les Britanniques jouent l'ambivalence pour ne pas froisser les États-Unis. Les Européens peinent à se mettre d'accord sur la marche à suivre. Trois obstacles qui ont fait « échouer » les deux premières tentatives de forger une armée européenne, la Communauté Européenne de Défense (CED) dans les années 1950 et la première version de la politique de défense (la PESD ou politique européenne de sécurité et de défense) à la fin des années 1990 début 2000, et qui continuent à freiner les nouvelles initiatives.

Les Américains, d'accord sur le principe d'une défense européenne

Les Américains, souvent critiqués pour le retard que prennent les initiatives européennes en matière de défense, n'étaient pas toujours défavorables à l'idée et ne s'y « opposent pas par principe, au contraire ». Mais une question les taraude, celle des « conséquences pour le leadership de l'Alliance, voire pour son avenir » si une défense européenne crédible devait se former. D'où l'ambivalence des États-Unis sur cette idée que Eisenhower regardait pourtant en 1951 comme un des objectifs de l'Alliance, idée légitimée par les multiples injonctions américaines à augmenter les budgets européens de défense. Cette position confuse s'inscrit dans le débat existentiel qu'est la définition de la prochaine « grand strategyaméricaine », explique Jolyon Howorth.

... mais des inquiétudes subsistent sur leur leadership au sein de l'Alliance

Après « quarante ans de leadership incontesté des alliés européens », le courant « liberal hegemon » qui définit la politique des Etats-Unis depuis longtemps se voit contester par les partisans de « l'offshore balancing ». Lesquels prônent un repli américain sur « un nombre fort limité de bases stratégiques » et un « transfert aux Européens de la responsabilité principale de leur propre sécurité ». La question reste ouverte alors que Donald Trump « semble s'y associer », sans toutefois « comprendre un instant le sens profond de ce débat stratégique ».

Les Britanniques, réfractaires à toute intégration européenne

Les Britanniques ont été, eux, « beaucoup plus réfractaires que les Américains au projet dès le début ». Et ils continueront de « freiner l'avancée des Européens vers une autonomie stratégique », rendant l'axe Paris-Berlin « d'autant plus urgent ». La vision britannique est celle d'une sécurité européenne b'tie sur une « clé de voûte » : l'OTAN. Les Européens étant simplement relégués à un rôle « complémentaire ». C'est pourquoi « Londres a bloqué toute avancée » qui aurait pu mener à une armée européenne tout en réclamant pourtant « à cor et à cri » un « engagement inconditionnel » à la sécurité européenne, selon le professeur, lui-même British. Pourtant fermement soutenue par Winston Churchill dès le début, la défense européenne a vite inquiété outre-Manche, le Royaume-Uni anxieux de « préserver le partenariat avec les États-Unis ». Le pays avait par exemple refusé la CED dès 1953, craignant que « le succès de l'armée européenne n'entraîne le désengagement américain ».

Les Européens indécis et divisés

Mais au final, les Européens sont leurs propres ennemis. Les divisions nationales sur la manière de construire l'Europe persistent et se retrouvent, « de façon profonde, au sein des familles politiques ». Mais avec le nouveau contexte géostratégique, de plus en plus complexe et multidimensionnel, « l'Union européenne ne peut plus se permettre le luxe de ses divisions internes ». Il faut repenser notre stratégie pour « passer de l'Europe de la défense, à la défense de l'Europe ». Ces divisions cristallisent l'opposition entre « l'intégrationnisme » prôné par Monnet et « l'intergouvernementalisme », selon le modèle gaullien. La politique de sécurité et de défense commune (PSDC) a, depuis Saint-Malo, et la déclaration franco-britannique de 1998, été développée dans le cadre de ce dernier, un modèle « de plus en plus mis en question ». Les dernières évolutions en matière de défense nous placent à nouveau « face à la confrontation de ces deux méthodologies contradictoires ».

Trois défis majeurs aujourd'hui

Définir une stratégie européenne propre

Il faut développer une « grand strategy » à l'européenne martèle Jolyon Howorth. L'un des problèmes fondamentaux de la première version de la PSDC fut son « manque d'ambition » par « crainte de froisser » les Américains. Pourtant, « la seule ambition qui vaille pour l'Union européenne est d'assumer sa propre défense collective ». Et donc d'arrêter de penser qu'il est impossible pour l'Europe de se défendre sans le soutien américain. Et il faut « pouvoir s'adapter à la nouvelle donne planétaire ». « Après Trump, il n'y aura pas de retour à la case départ ».

À quel prix

« L'armée européenne ne s'achètera pas parmi les soldes de chez Tati ». Les États membres de l'OTAN ont dépensé « 264 milliards de dollars » sur les questions de défense en 2018. Si tous les pays avaient atteint l'objectif fixé par l'OTAN de 2% du PIB, cela aurait majoré la somme de « près de 102 milliards de dollars ». Mais une armée européenne autonome pourrait représenter jusqu'à « 467 milliards de dollars supplémentaires » rappelle l'universitaire, se basant sur une étude récente du International Institute for Security Studies (IISS) qui fait l'hypothèse d'un retrait américain d'Europe. Un engagement conséquent donc.

Et avec qui ?

Si beaucoup pensent que l'armée européenne sera forgée « à l'extérieur de l'OTAN, sans les Américains, voire contre », Jolyon Howorth n'en est pas persuadé. Une armée européenne ne doit pas être construite contre les Américains, mais « en bonne intelligence avec eux ». Car l'Alliance ne va pas se dissoudre de sitôt. Et elle peut avoir un rôle moteur alors qu'il existe actuellement « quatre-vingt projets de coopération » entre l'OTAN et l'UE, et que les Américains « n'arrêtent pas de nous demander des efforts accrus, de nous encourager à assumer le leadership stratégique dans notre voisinage ». Il faudrait plutôt revenir au scénario initial : une alliance « rééquilibrée » dans laquelle les Européens « prennent graduellement la part du lion » et les Américains jouent « le rôle de facilitateurs ». Pour former une alliance qui ne soit pas « structurée par la dépendance, encore moins par la servitude ».

(Coline Traverson st.)

https://www.bruxelles2.eu/2019/05/23/entretiens-europeens-de-la-defense-2019-une-grand-strategy-pour-leurope-j-howorth/

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  • Battle Force 2045 could work — if defense leaders show some discipline

    23 octobre 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Battle Force 2045 could work — if defense leaders show some discipline

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The Navy tried to adjust that plan with an integrated naval force structure assessment, but Esper rejected it, as it failed to implement new concepts for distributed multidomain operations and would be too expensive to realistically field. Instead, over the course of nine months, he and Deputy Secretary of Defense David Norquist led a study taking a fresh look at the Navy's force structure. The Hudson Institute contributed to the project by developing one of three fleet designs that informed the new plan. Hudson's proposed fleet is affordable to acquire and operate. Even though it consists of 581 vessels, more than 200 are unmanned or have small crews. The Hudson study's conservative estimates suggest it can be acquired for the ship construction funding in the Navy's President's Budget for fiscal 2021, adjusted for inflation, and would only cost moderately more than the current one to operate. The Hudson proposal becomes more affordable than the Navy's plan by gradually rebalancing the fleet to incorporate more smaller, less-expensive ships and fewer large multimission combatants. The proposed fleet would also constrain the size and cost of some large new ships, such as the future large surface combatant and next-generation attack submarine. Employing new operational concepts, the proposed fleet would outperform the current Navy in important metrics for future operations. First, the proposed fleet's groups of manned and unmanned vessels would generate more numerous and diverse effects chains compared to today's Navy, improving the force's adaptability and imposing greater complexity on enemy decision-making. Second, the fleet would deliver more offensive munitions from vessels and aircraft over a protracted period, and defend itself more effectively using distribution, shorter-range interceptors and electric weapons. Lastly, it enhances the fleet's amphibious, logistics and strategic sealift capacity. Overall, this results in a Navy that can help the joint force prevail across a range of potential scenarios, including the most challenging ones such as an attempted Chinese attack on Taiwan. The Hudson fleet is also achievable. Its shipbuilding plan relies on mature technologies or allows sufficient time to complete needed engineering and operational concept development before moving ships into serial production. The plan sustains the industrial base through stable ship-construction rates that avoid gaps in production and smoothly transition between ship classes. Even with this measured approach, however, the fleet can rapidly evolve, reaching more than 355 manned and unmanned vessels by 2030, and 581 by 2045. Although Battle Force 2045 focuses on ships, the Navy needs to spend more on improving repair yard infrastructure, growing munitions stocks, and providing command-and-control capabilities to the force. As the Hudson study shows, ship construction savings could help fund these and other enablers, but only if the Navy and the DoD have the discipline to avoid expensive new investments, such as building a third attack submarine every year, installing boost-glide hypersonic missiles on old destroyers or pursuing a significantly larger combatant to follow the Arleigh Burke class. Even if the procurement cost of these programs was funded through budget shifts within the DoD, each will incur a sustainment bill that is not factored into Navy plans and could accelerate the descent toward a hollow force. The Navy is now developing a new shipbuilding plan as part of its FY22 budget submission. Congress should carefully assess that plan and, in collaboration with the DoD, refine the budget. Esper may depart, but the results of this study can serve as a starting point for an operationally effective and fiscally sustainable fleet for the next administration. Timothy A. Walton is a fellow at the Hudson Institute's Center for Defense Concepts and Technology, where Bryan Clark is a senior fellow. Along with Seth Cropsey, they recently completed a study of future naval force structure. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/10/22/battle-force-2045-could-work-if-defense-leaders-show-some-discipline/

  • Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - June 21, 2019

    25 juin 2019 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité, Autre défense

    Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - June 21, 2019

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(Awarded June 19, 2019) *Small business **Mandatory source https://dod.defense.gov/News/Contracts/Contract-View/Article/1884099/source/GovDelivery/

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