Press Release - Government of Canada Awards Drone Airspace Management System Contract to Kongsberg Geospatial

On the same subject

• 

  May 7, 2019 | Local, Aerospace

  Trump administration claims Ottawa's jet procurement plan is unfair to F-35, says report

  Murray Brewster · CBC News The Trump administration fired two warning shots last year over the Liberal government's long-delayed plan to replace Canada's CF-18 fighters, saying the procurement process discriminates against the Lockheed-Martin-built F-35 stealth jet, according to a new academic report. The study by a researcher at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute (MLI) cites leaked Pentagon letters written last summer and late fall to officials at Public Services and Procurement Canada. The report, released Monday, largely blames the Liberal government for the delays in the procurement, while making only a passing reference to the inability of the former Conservative government to deliver on the same program. The report's major revelation involves the leaked letters — which are expected to inflame the debate over the nearly decade-long on-again, off-again plan to replace the air force's 1980s-vintage CF-18s with modern warplanes. The source of the Pentagon's irritation is a federal government policy that insists defence manufacturers deliver specific industrial benefits to Canadian companies. Canada accused of angling for better deal That's not how the F-35 program is structured. Countries that participated in the development of the stealth jet — as Canada did — pay an annual fee to remain part of the program, which gives domestic aerospace companies in those countries the right to bid on F-35 work. The U.S. undersecretary for defence acquisition and sustainment wrote to Canada's assistant deputy minister of defence procurement in Public Services and Procurement Canada last summer to complain about the Industrial and Technological Benefits (ITB) policy. Ellen Lord warned the policy runs contrary to the F-35 participation agreement and accused Canada of trying to leverage a better deal than its allies. "This text basically stated that Canada had signed the [Memorandum of Understanding] clearly understanding these provisions and could not now try to renegotiate a better deal," said the Aug. 31, 2018 letter, leaked to MLI researcher Richard Shimooka. Lord went on to say the current procurement process "would be fundamentally and structurally prejudicial to any F-35 bid." The point was hammered home when former U.S. Vice-Admiral Mathias Winter, in charge of the Joint Program Office overseeing F-35 development, wrote to Canada's head of future fighter development at Public Services. After reviewing the federal government's draft request for proposals, Winter wrote that the F-35 would not be able to participate given the way the system is structured now. "Fundamentally, the F-35 program is different from Foreign Military Sales or Direct Commercial sales procurements," said the Dec. 18, 2018 letter. "The current [Future Fighter Capability Program] does not allow the F-35 to participate in a fair and open competition that recognizes the special nature and distinct advantages of the partnership." Lockheed-Martin is one of four manufacturers that plan to bid on the fighter jet replacement program. Several defence and defence industry sources told CBC News in a story published last month that the full tender was expected to be released at the end of May, with final bids to be delivered by the end of the year. There is considerable uncertainty about the timeline, however, because of questions and disputes about the project's industrial expectations. "A delay is inevitable," said one defence industry source on Monday. With the release of the letters, the institute's analysis peels back the curtain on perhaps the most contentious of the disputes: how to reconcile the existing F-35 benefits package with the federal government's standard procurement model. Lockheed-Martin would not confirm whether the issues raised in the letters remain active concerns, but sources within both the defence industry and the federal government say there is an ongoing dialogue. The U.S. defence giant, in a statement, said it did not commission the report but acknowledged it had provided "factual information to several think tanks in Canada" about its various programs. The company said the structure of the F-35 program means it is the U.S. defence department that does all of the talking. "We continue to provide our feedback to the U.S. government, which leads all government-to-government discussions related to the Canadian fighter replacement competition," said Cindy Tessier, head of communications for Lockheed Martin Canada. She touted the $1.25 billion in contracts already awarded to Canadian companies because of the F-35 program and said the potential is there for more work once the fighter aircraft reaches full production in a few years. "As a valued current partner on the program, Canadian industry has the opportunity to produce and sustain components and systems to a fleet that is expected to grow to more than 4,000 aircraft," she said. A spokeswoman for Public Services Minister Carla Qualtrough did not address the Pentagon letters directly, but did say the government has engaged in continuous dialogue with potential bidders as it sought feedback on the proposed tender. "The approach is inherently designed to encourage continuous supplier engagement," said Ashley Michnowski. "We do this so that suppliers are able to make informed business decisions. "Our government has been hard working to address as much of the supplier feedback as possible to ensure a level playing field and a fair and open competition with as many eligible suppliers as possible." The process is not yet complete, although it is nearing its conclusion and a final request for proposals will be issued soon, she added. https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/trump-administration-claims-ottawa-s-jet-procurement-plan-is-unfair-to-f-35-says-report-1.5125009

• 

  April 7, 2020 | Local, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

  How COVID-19 could remake Canada’s military

  By Elliot Hughes. Published on Apr 6, 2020 10:20am "It's safe to say that everyone involved in defence procurement should expect a significant shift to the right in timelines, and a retrenchment and re-focus towards projects that align with the government's recast military and geopolitical priorities." Since everyone is either overrun with work or inundated with COVID-19 news, here's the bottom line up front (or the BLUF in military jargon): the COVID-19 pandemic will have a material impact on all aspects of Strong, Secure, Engaged (SSE), Canada's defence policy. These changes will be felt acutely in defence funding, overseas operations, and defence procurement, though it's too early to predict the scale of the impact. There you have it. You can now go back to watching Tik Tok videos. For those choosing to forge ahead, it was only last week that Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan and Chief of the Defence Staff General Jonathan Vance laid out the domestic military response plan to the COVID-19 pandemic. Dubbed Op LASER, the plan will prioritize slowing the spread of COVID-19, support vulnerable communities, and assist provincial, territorial and municipal partners, if needed, by mobilizing up to 24,000 regular and reserve force members, all while maintaining the Canadian Armed Force's (CAF) ability to respond to natural disasters in Canada via Op LENTUS. This announcement was preceded by a letter to all CAF members from General Vance where he outlined the global pandemic's impact on Canada's military. In the letter, General Vance tells troops and their families in no uncertain terms that ‘normal activities have changed dramatically'. Too true. But the impacts of COVID-19 won't stop with the women and men in uniform. SSE was a historical investment in Canada's military, with new funding in the tens of billions of dollars ($48.9B on an accrual basis, $62.3B on a cash basis) from a party that some felt was not inherently defence friendly. The 20-year plan set aside hundreds of billions of dollars ($497B on an accrual basis, or $553B on a cash basis) to rebuild, retool, and refocus Canada's military after years of neglect during the Harper years. With unprecedented levels of new funding, DND finally had the plan, the funding, and the political commitment to move forward with confidence, poised to become the agile and adept military of the future. Then the world was hit with a global health crisis. In the face of the pandemic, the federal government has, to date, announced combined direct economic measures and tax deferrals of $190B. The numbers are eye-popping, and the implications of such spending are hard to fathom. The deficit this year and next could creep up towards $200B. Now, there's no question these fiscal measures are necessary and non-structural, meaning they could be unwound depending on how the Canadian economy looks post-COVID-19. The soaring deficits will place tremendous pressure on government to reduce its spending in non-COVID-19 areas in favour of healthcare and related priorities. DND/CAF had already been struggling to spend the money it had been allocated in SSE, and that was before their annual budgets increased significantly. People within and outside of government were beginning to question the department's ability to absorb the money they had been given. It is my view that COVID-19 will force Defence officials, with or without urging from Finance Canada, to use the upcoming five-year review period of SSE to re-assess and re-prioritize the entire strategy. In fact, that work is likely already underway. There are some who suggest that defence spending is a good way to get money flowing back into the domestic economy, particularly through the manufacturing supply chain. And there are areas that should remain off-limits to claw backs including big ticket procurements like the Canadian Surface Combatants (CSC) and Future Fighter Capability Project (FFCP), programs that directly support troops and their families, domestic operations and disaster relief, investments to support the development of defence and security capabilities such as the IDEaS program, IT investments (including in data analytics and updating key IT infrastructure), deferred maintenance, and perhaps most critically, cyber defence. Everything else will be fair game. Ring-fencing and reprioritizing essential programs won't be easy. But under the current circumstances, it's the right thing to do. Every department should be prepared to do the same. Overseas operations, including joint military exercises and training, is another area COVID-19 will have a direct and material impact. At this juncture, it's hard to know how big a role the CAF will be asked to play domestically. The situation in Canada is evolving by the hour. The dreaded peak of the pandemic has yet to hit. While we should remain optimistic, we also need to be realistic. This means the military should be poised to intervene if required. We know that close to a quarter of all active troops are on standby and depending on the severity of the crisis, this number could go up. On any given day, approximately 8,000 troops are involved in some form of deployment – preparing to ship out, actively engaged in theatre, or returning from mission. It's hard to see how this rotation rhythm escapes the reaches of COVID-19. Indeed, General Vance alluded to this in his letter stating, ‘mission postures would be reviewed', and that this year's ‘Annual Posting Season (APS) will be seriously disrupted'. It's likely the pull towards supporting domestic efforts will be strong. That doesn't mean the desire to re-engage internationally won't persist. However, the ability to do so will depend on how the situation unfolds here in Canada, the willingness of countries abroad to welcome back foreign troops, and the impact COVID-19 has on the geopolitical landscape. (This is by no means an endorsement of that view. Canada should do everything it can to remain engaged internationally wherever possible, particularly with respect to humanitarian missions). Cyber defence is one domain we should do everything we can to remain engaged in. But while Canada's expertise and influence on the world stage is undoubtedly a positive one, this global pandemic will inevitably lead to a further focusing of our most critical interests. Defence procurement, and the potential implications of COVID-19, is an area of acute interest to the defence community. This subject could be an entire article in and of itself (and if you're looking for the latest analysis on how DND/CAF was doing on procurement spending I'd encourage you to read David Perry's piece from December 2019). However, broadly speaking, it's worth noting that before this global health crisis hit, DND/CAF were progressing on procurement. Many projects, though not all, were moving ahead, even with the structural constraints and limitations of government processes holding them back. Large procurements, namely jets and ships, were plagued with delays that are expected for any large procurement. Now, given the magnitude of the COVID-19 pandemic, those typical speed bumps are bigger than before. The reality for defence procurement today is that the pace of work has come to a grinding halt. Nearly all personnel across government are working from home. Government IT challenges persist, with DND staff having to coordinate amongst themselves to schedule when they can log on to their system. And any work requiring access to a secured system is a non-starter as this would require being in the office. The Defence department is a bit like an aircraft carrier in that it takes time to get up to full speed and doesn't handle sharp corners very well. This crisis will expose that rigidity. But it isn't simply DND that needs to get back to work for defence procurement to start moving again – it will take a government-wide effort. For the process to run effectively officials from a range of government departments, including Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC), the Treasury Board Secretariat (TBS), Finance Canada, the Canadian Coast Guard and Global Affairs Canada, need to be fully engaged. Today, those Departments are focused almost exclusively on addressing the immediate challenges posed by COVID-19, with this to continue for the foreseeable future. Moreover, one also needs to consider the impact COVID-19 is having on companies bidding on projects. The entire supply chain has been hit and it will take months to get it humming again. How significant an impact this delay will have, and on which projects, is difficult to predict today. But it's safe to say that everyone involved in defence procurement should expect a significant shift to the right in timelines, and a retrenchment and re-focus towards projects that align with the government's recast military and geopolitical priorities. We are still in the early days of this crisis. Government is projecting a return to some sense of normalcy in July, at the earliest. The run-on impacts of that kind of pause are hard to comprehend, with a full understanding of the entirety of COVID-19 impacts likely to take even longer still This is a once-in-a-century event, with every person and institution expected to face indelible consequences. The very nature of the defence department, its size and scope, means we should expect a proportionate impact. https://ipolitics.ca/2020/04/06/how-covid-19-could-remake-canadas-military/

• 

  October 19, 2023 | Local, Land, C4ISR

  Ombudsman blasts Ottawa's 'inadequate' efforts to help injured Afghan military advisers | CBC News

  The country's military ombudsman says efforts by the Department of National Defence (DND) to get care and treatment for former language and cultural advisers who worked with Canadian soldiers during the Afghan war have been "inadequate or nonexistent."