5 août 2019 | International, Aérospatial
By: Melanie Marlowe
Next week, people from across the missile defense community will gather at an annual symposium in Huntsville, Alabama, to consider how to adapt U.S. missile defense efforts to the challenge of renewed competition with Russia and China. A centerpiece of their discussions will be the emergence of advanced hypersonic missile threats and what to do about them.
Over the past few years, the Pentagon has prioritized the development of offensive hypersonic strike weapons, with billions of dollars in contracts already awarded for each of the major military services to acquire hypersonic strike missiles of their own.
The counter-hypersonic mission, however, received surprisingly short shrift in recent defense budgets, with progress on hypersonic defense thus far piecemeal and halting. Some leading military officials charged with procuring hypersonic strike missiles have said that defending against hypersonic missiles is too hard, so we shouldn't even try.
That short-sighted approach is at odds with the vision of newly confirmed Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, who stated to Congress that he will advocate hypersonic missile defense, to include the development of new sensors, interceptors, and advanced command-and-control systems.
Public commentary on hypersonic threats has been somewhat hyperbolic. Yes, hypersonics are fast — five or more times the speed of sound — but that's slower than many ballistic missiles. Aerodynamic maneuver makes for a less predictable flight path, but this also means that atmospheric friction would remove the kind of decoys that might accompany a ballistic reentry vehicle. Whether a boosted glide vehicle, a scramjet cruise missile or a maneuverable quasi-ballistic missile, hypersonics pose a complex air defense challenge, but they are not invulnerable.
The strategic significance of hypersonics is nevertheless quite real. Today's Patriot, Terminal High Altitude Area Defense and Aegis defenses protect American carrier groups and ground forces against aerial and ballistic missile attack. Designed to go around or under those defenses, hypersonics are a more sophisticated means to hold forces at risk, and thereby undermine our broader defense goals and alliance system. Even if the United States catches up with the Chinese and Russians on hypersonic strike, our adversaries' ability to hold U.S. carriers and forward bases at risk will push back U.S. forces. They could certainly also be used to target the American homeland, but the more urgent threat is regional. Passive defense only goes so far — ships can only go so fast, and air bases cannot be moved. Active defenses must be part of a balanced strategy.
The first priority here is a space sensor layer. Unlike ballistic missiles, hypersonic missiles fly at lower and changing altitudes, are harder to see, and travel an uncertain flight path. Current early warning satellites can detect the launch of boost-glide vehicles but are unsuited to tracking them during the glide phase. Today's surface-based ballistic missile radars would only be able to spot a weapon once it crosses the horizon. Only space sensors can provide birth-to-death, fire-control quality tracks for hypersonic missiles.
Unfortunately, recent budget requests have been rather tepid in their commitment to space sensors. The administration's 2020 request virtually divested the program, and for the second year in a row the Missile Defense Agency listed the space sensor layer as its No. 1 unfunded priority. Thankfully, Congress seems to be in the process of restoring $108 million to return the program to the MDA to move out on development this year.
The second element of hypersonic defense is interceptors. Although existing interceptors may well be improved, Secretary Esper has affirmed that new interceptors will have to be developed that are better suited to the mission's stressing thermal and high-maneuver environment. The MDA's third-highest unfunded priority for 2020 — $720 million for hypersonic defense — seems unlikely to be restored this year, but should be restored in the 2021 budget. Directed-energy weapons could potentially target hypersonic threats in their cruise phase or jam them in their terminal phase, but the mission's complexity will almost certainly require both kinetic and nonkinetic effectors.
The most challenging element will be developing a command-and-control architecture that ties everything together. A long-range hypersonic glide vehicle of significant range could cross continents and multiple combatant commands. Even with better interceptors and an adequate sensor layer, information and fire-control solutions must be developed and rapidly passed to commanders. The Command and Control, Battle Management, and Communications network that supports the Ballistic Missile Defense System may be the foundation of such an architecture, but more dramatic upgrades will be required.
The advent of the hypersonic era is central to the efforts by Russia and China to counter U.S. power projection in the world. The Pentagon's recent focus on hypersonic strike is necessary but insufficient. It falls now to congressional leadership and those assembling the 2021 budget to rebalance it with a more appropriate mix of hypersonic strike and defense.
30 juin 2024 | International, Terrestre
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13 février 2020 | International, Terrestre
The Army's slashed its 2021 buys of the Armored Multi-Purpose Vehicle (AMPV) and upgraded Paladin PIM howitzer to give the factory time to make fixes, particularly to quality control. By SYDNEY J. FREEDBERG JR. PENTAGON: Two of the three armored fighting vehicle programs being built by BAE System's factory in York, Pennsylvania have been slashed in the 2021 budget. While the Marine Corps continues to ramp up production of its eight-wheeled Amphibious Combat Vehicle, from 56 ACVs in 2020 to 72 in '21, that increase is swamped by Army cuts to two tracked vehicles, both derived from BAE's iconic but aging M2 Bradley: Production of the turretless utility variant of the Bradley, the Armored Multi-Purpose Vehicle (AMPV), will plummet from 121 in the 2020 budget to just 32 in '21, recovering to 168 in '22. Production of the upgraded M109A7 PIM version of the Paladin artillery vehicle, which uses the Bradley suspension and drive train, will fall from 96 vehicles (48 howitzers and 48 ammo carriers) to 60, recovering to 88 in '22. Those 2022 figures are a forecast in the five-year budget plan, however, not a formal request to Congress, and they might change. “Once you start to get that production line facilitized — and again it's not going to be one of those things you figure out in a couple months — it's going to be an iterative every-year look at what's the right rate [and] what's the most effective and efficient way to run that line,” deputy assistant secretary John Daniels told reporters yesterday. The Army had already reduced production of both BAE vehicles in its 2020 request last year – along with over 180 other programs – as it ruthlessly scrubbed its current programs for savings it could reinvest in higher-priority, higher-tech weapons for future wars with Russia or China. But BAE's York plant has also had trouble keeping up both quality-control standards – notably for welding armored hulls – and production rates as it tried to expand its tooling and its workforce to meet Army demand, attracting the personal attention of then-Army Secretary Mark Esper. Raytheon's Naval Strike Missile Gallery The Naval Strike Missile is a long-range, precision strike weapon that seeks and destroys enemy ships at distances greater than 100 nautical miles. Learn More. “Part of the problem was “getting the production facility right-sized,” Daniels said, “[and] there were some additional unforeseen issues in the industrial base” – presumably a reference to the quality control issues. So the Army decided to “slow the production curve to get a little bit of time to get a better vehicle,” he said. “It would delay it by about six months.” We've asked BAE Systems for comment and will update this story as soon as they get back to us. https://breakingdefense.com/2020/02/bae-york-plant-problems-trigger-big-army-cuts
8 novembre 2019 | International, Terrestre
By: Sebastian Sprenger COLOGNE, Germany — German Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer has unveiled a proposal to increase spending on the armed forces and establish an organization styled after the U.S. National Security Council that would execute a more assertive defense policy. Her Thursday speech at the Bundeswehr University in Munich included a pledge to spend 2 percent of gross domestic product on defense by 2031. That objective came embedded in a call for the country to be more willing to use the military as an instrument of national power by protecting maritime shipping lanes in China's environs, for example, or countering the spread of terrorism in the Sahel region alongside French troops. Kramp-Karrenbauer's speech, billed as a “foundational” address by the Defence Ministry, follows a series of recent skirmishes within the government of Chancellor Angela Merkel that critics say have exposed Germany's inability to shape the resolution of global crises to its advantage. Over the summer, Berlin punted on partaking in an international naval protection mission in the Strait of Hormuz when the demand was most pressing. More recently, a proposal by the defense minister for a United Nations-backed peacekeeping operation in northern Syria was so badly and publicly trashed inside the governing coalition by the Social Democrats that allied governments didn't appear to know what to make of it. The Munich audience of flag officers, academics and student service members needed little convincing of Kramp-Karrenbauer's vision, but getting the rest of the government excited about a Germany that is engaged in worldwide security could be a hard sell. The country has no muscle memory when it comes to employing hard power as a routine foreign policy instrument, or going through the decision-making required for it. A National Security Council-style organization would help bring a whole-of-government approach to urgent defense and security questions, argued Kramp-Karrenbauer. A similar organization exists already, called the Bundessicherheitsrat, though it's known to the public mostly for its secrecy and as the approval authority for arms exports. The defense minister stressed that the German parliament, the Bundestag, would remain in charge of determining when to send soldiers into harm's way. But she argued that accelerated parliamentary consideration should be available when the question is on the table of whether to participate in missions led by the United Nations, NATO or together with “European partners.” At the end of the day, Kramp-Karrenbauer argued, Germany should strive to establish an “ability to act" globally commensurate with the country's status as a powerhouse in Europe. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2019/11/07/more-money-more-missions-german-defense-minister-unveils-her-plan-for-the-bundeswehr/