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Posted on December 16, 2020 by Seapower Staff DAVENPORT, Iowa — Cobham Mission Systems' underwing mounted refueling buddy store was carried for the first time during a successful test flight of Boeing's MQ-25 test asset, known as T1, Cobham said in a Dec. 16 release. The test helped to validate the unmanned aircraft's aerodynamics when carrying existing refueling equipment. The flight marks a significant milestone in the development of MQ-25, the first operational, carrier-based unmanned aerial refueler for the U.S. Navy. The Navy's F/A-18 fleet currently operates the same Cobham 31-301 buddy store, when fulfilling this key aerial refueling role. “This marks a significant milestone for the development of unmanned aerial refueling and we are proud that Boeing's MQ-25 test aircraft carried Cobham's underwing mounted equipment on this test flight,” said Jason Apelquist, senior vice president for business development and strategy for Cobham Mission Systems. “It is encouraging to see how proven solutions are being leveraged to further new mission capability. We look forward to supporting next-generation technology and continue to work with our customers as a key partner to deliver the aerial refueling solution of the future.” The 2.5-hour flight was conducted by Boeing test pilots operating from a ground control station at MidAmerica St. Louis Airport in Mascoutah, Illinois, on December 9, 2020. Future flights will continue to test the aerodynamics of the aircraft and the 31-301 Series Buddy Store at various points of the flight envelope. Insights from the tests will inform the eventual progression to the extension and retraction of the hose and drogue used in refueling. https://seapowermagazine.org/cobhams-aerial-refueling-buddy-store-mounted-during-mq-25-test-flight

A spokeswoman says DND is “confident that we have competitively selected the best design to meet Canada's needs.” David Pugliese • Ottawa Citizen Dec 16, 2020 • Last Updated 1 day ago • 6 minute read Canadian equipment that taxpayers spent hundreds of millions of dollars to develop isn't being used on the country's new $70-billion fleet of warships because the consortium that won the bid selected its own affiliated companies and their foreign systems. A number of Canadian firms repeatedly tried to warn ministers and deputy ministers at the Department of National Defence, Public Services and Procurement Canada as well as Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada that they would be shut out of the Canadian Surface Combatant project, according to federal government documents obtained by this newspaper. Those concerns were ignored. Instead, Canada left it up to the winning consortium, in this case, the U.S.-controlled Lockheed Martin Canada and BAE of the United Kingdom to determine the equipment that would make up key components of the proposed 15-fleet Canadian Surface Combatant, or CSC fleet. By selecting the consortium's Type 26 warship design for the CSC, the Royal Canadian Navy automatically agreed to what Lockheed Martin had determined was the best equipment for it to use. In the last week, this newspaper has chronicled multiple issues with the CSC project, the most expensive military procurement in Canada's history. This newspaper reviewed thousands of pages of documents, obtained through sources and through the access to information law, to reveal how the CSC's budget has spiralled upward and upward and how government officials previously tried to block the cost of the project from becoming public. In an email, DND defended its choice that shut out inclusion on the CSC of Canadian-made propulsion systems, sonar and communication systems, as well as radar. The Canadian-based firms that build those systems employ hundreds of people in the high-tech sector. “By selecting the design, Canada has selected the associated equipment,” said DND spokeswoman Jessica Lamirande. She noted DND is “confident that we have competitively selected the best design to meet Canada's needs.” As a result, a radar built by Lockheed Martin in the U.S., which hasn't yet been certified for naval operations, will be installed on the CSC. Passed over was a state-of-the art naval radar developed with the help of Thales Canada in Nepean. Canadian taxpayers contributed $54 million to the development of that radar, which is now being used on German, Danish and Dutch warships. Also shut out of the CSC competition is SHINCOM, a naval communications system built by DRS Technologies of Ottawa and considered one of the top such systems in the world. SHINCOM is in service on other Royal Canadian Navy vessels as well as 150 warships of allied navies around the world, including Australia, the U.S., Japan, New Zealand and South Korea. It was originally developed for Canada's Halifax-class frigates and taxpayers have poured millions of dollars into its development. Also left on the sidelines was General Dynamic Mission Systems of Ottawa, Canada's top developer of anti-submarine warfare and sonar equipment. The firm has its systems on aircraft or warships of militaries in Canada, Japan, South Korea, Portugal and various South American nations. Top government officials and politicians were repeatedly warned key Canadian firms would be shut out of the CSC project. Steve Zuber, vice president of DRS Technologies, wrote on Aug. 31, 2016 to alert innovation minister Navdeep Bains that the way the CSC procurement was designed would work against Canadian firms. “The CSC procurement approach may actually disadvantage Canadian companies,” Zuber warned. “The current evaluation approach puts our world-class Canadian solutions at serious risk of not being selected for Canada.” At the heart of the matter was a procurement system that penalized bidders if they deviated too much from their original ship designs to accommodate Canadian equipment. In addition, no competitions were held for key components of the new warships, such as sonar, radar or communications systems. General Dynamics Missions Systems Canada also tried to warn government officials in November 2019 that the lack of competition shut out high-tech Canadian systems developed over the years with both private and tax dollars. Company vice president David Ibbetson told navy commander Vice Adm. Art McDonald, DND deputy minister Jody Thomas, PSPC deputy minister Bill Matthews and ISED deputy minister Simon Kennedy about the lack of competition on the CSC anti-submarine warfare systems. That resulted in a “largely foreign solution with only limited Canadian content,” he noted. The documents also show bureaucrats at ISED countering such concerns by pointing out that the CSC program will include equipment from other firms such as L-3 and CAE in Quebec and MDA in B.C. Lockheed Martin has also committed to invest in priority areas such as cybersecurity, clean technology and the marine sector, innovation minister Bains was told. But the federal government has declined to release other documents requested through access to information law about specifics of the industrial benefits and job creation plan linked to the CSC. There is concern by some in the country's defence industry that the Liberal government has put at risk existing Canadian high-tech jobs, developed and established in part by federal contracts and development money, in exchange for the promise by foreign companies to create new jobs in the future linked to the CSC. In addition, in November 2019, the Lockheed Martin Canada executive responsible for delivering on the industrial commitments admitted the system had major problems. Walt Nolan said the policy the Canadian government developed has prompted defence firms to significantly overcommit on the jobs and industry benefits they claim they can deliver on the CSC. But Lockheed Martin has significant support from the leadership of the Royal Canadian Navy, including Vice Adm. McDonald. In July, McDonald took to Twitter to promote the company and its SPY-7 radar, noting that such a system is critical to a warship's survival and how it performs on missions. “For these reasons, the Royal Canadian Navy is delighted that Canada's Combat Ship Team under Lockheed Martin Canada leadership will fit the SPY-7 in CSC,” wrote McDonald, in retweeting the company's press release about the radar. But McDonald's enthusiastic corporate plug left out some critical information, namely that the SPY-7 radar had never been installed on an actual warship. Less than a month before McDonald's tweet, Japan's government, which had been hoping to use SPY-7 radar for a land-based missile defence system, suspended the project. Japan cited technical issues and cost for the decision and is now trying to figure out what to do with the systems it has already paid for. Japan's military has suggested using the SPY-7 on new frigates but some of the country's lawmakers are trying to scuttle that plan. They are worried that Japan will pay significant development costs to get the radar ready for maritime use and since the U.S. Navy will use a completely different system there will be problems operating with a key ally. While the SPY-7 radar issue has been debated in Japan's legislature, Canadian politicians have been silent. Lockheed's rival, Raytheon, the firm which will provide the SPY-6 radar for the U.S. Navy, has made several presentations to the Liberal government. It tried to convince politicians and bureaucrats the Lockheed Martin system could become a money pit that would potentially put Canadian sailors at risk. Switching to SPY-6 would save Canada tens of millions of dollars as the U.S. Navy would finance future research into modernizing the radar to deal with new threats, federal officials were told. In addition, Raytheon pointed out that unlike the SPY-7, the testing of its radar, which included intercepts of targets, was completed in 2019. The U.S. Navy intends to install the system on 50 of its warships. But cabinet ministers and federal bureaucrats dismissed Raytheon's overtures as an attempt to reverse the CSC procurement process that had already been completed. Neither Lockheed Martin nor the DND could provide a date on when the SPY-7 will be ready for naval operations and certified for use on the CSC. But they noted the company is supposed to deliver the first radar system in 2025. “Once fully integrated into the CSC design, the SPY-7 will provide Canada the capabilities it needs to meet the operational and interoperability requirements of the Royal Canadian Navy well past the middle of this century,” added DND spokeswoman Lamirande. Responses from DND and Lockheed Martin to questions posed by this newspaper for this story were answered in nearly identical fashion. Canadian taxpayers will finance the development and testing of any of the radar requirements for the CSC. The cost of that, however, is not known at this point. https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/top-of-the-line-canadian-made-naval-equipment-shut-out-of-70-billion-warship-program

Naval News December 2020 Navy Forces Maritime Defense Industry POSTED ON WEDNESDAY, 16 DECEMBER 2020 15:05 BAE Systems has been awarded a contract by Fleetway Inc. to deliver a range of digital solutions for on-shore support of Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) vessels. This contract will see the deployment and integration of BAE Systems' Integrated Data Environment (IDE) to enable effective and efficient shore-side support to Halifax-Class frigates. Fleetway will benefit from access to a range of BAE Systems digital capabilities, including its expertise in configuration management, obsolescence management, and digital twinning. The IDE will allow Fleetway engineers and their enterprise partners to collaborate easily and gain access to engineering life cycle management data, as well as to share, withdraw, edit and re-publish data necessary for supporting the vessels. It will also facilitate a clearer understanding of the complex network of interdependencies between ship systems and components. This will help decrease support time and cost and enable Fleetway to maximise fleet availability. “As the prime contractor providing in-service support to the Halifax Class frigates, Fleetway is well known for its outstanding naval engineering and design services,” commented John Newton, Managing Director Fleetway. “To meet the challenges of the next phase in the life of these incredible Canadian-built warships, we have partnered with a world-best to assure excellence in the delivery of our services to the Royal Canadian Navy. Our combined intellect and efforts, especially the adoption of advanced digital tools informed by decades of learning on these complex ships will facilitate agile, smart and efficient solutions to the toughest engineering and maintenance challenges while keeping the fleet available for operations.” “This contract is testament to our pedigree in naval ship support and the value that our digital solutions and expertise have been shown to deliver,” added Darren Nice, Head of Digital Services at BAE Systems Maritime Services. “As organisations and armed forces around the world continue to digitise their operations, we will continue to develop a range of first-class integrated, through-life, digital solutions that help organisations deliver operational excellence and maximum availability.” BAE Systems brings a strong pedigree of maritime and information management expertise to this partnership. The Company has recently delivered a number of sophisticated information and data management and digital support solutions for other navies around the world. This is the latest in a series of contracts awarded to BAE Systems for work with the Royal Canadian Navy. In February 2019, BAE Systems' Type 26 Global Combat Ship was chosen as the design for the Canadian Surface Combatant (CSC), Canada's 15 new multi-purpose frigates. BAE Systems also supports and repairs Canada's Victoria-class submarines and BAE Systems recently hosted the Royal Canadian Navy's Halifax-class frigate, HMCS Toronto, at Portsmouth Naval Base, where it performed a number of repairs. This Halifax-class project further underscores the trust placed in BAE Systems to deliver technological innovation to the Canadian Armed Forces. https://navyrecognition.com/index.php/news/defence-news/2020/december/9427-bae-systems-secures-fleetway-contract-to-provide-digital-support-to-royal-canadian-navy.html

By Garrett Reim14 December 2020 Saab is offering to open two new aerospace centres as part of its Gripen E proposal for Canada's Future Fighter Capability Project. The aerospace facilities, the Gripen Centre and the Aerospace Research & Development Centre, would be based in the greater Montreal region, the company announced at Aero Montreal's International Aerospace Innovation Forum 2020 on 14 December. Mission system software and hardware development, as well as integration, for the proposed Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) Gripen E would be done at the Gripen Centre. The Aerospace Research & Development Centre would focus on a variety of aerospace technologies, including automation, artificial intelligence and “greening” technologies. That work may or may not be directly related to the Gripen E. Rather, the research and development would focus on next-generation aerospace technologies more generally. Saab is also in talks with undisclosed local universities about partnerships related to the aerospace centres, it says. Saab has only about 50 people working in Canada currently, across various businesses such as maritime traffic management and army training and simulation work. However, between the two aerospace centres, the company anticipates at least 3,000 people being directly employed. The RCAF is looking to buy 88 advanced fighters to replace its fleet of Boeing CF-18 Hornets. Canada's Department of National Defence estimates acquisition of the aircraft, related equipment and entry into service will cost C$15-19 billion ($11.8-14.9 billion). A contract is scheduled to be awarded in 2022 after evaluation by the RCAF. The air force wants the first jets received as soon as 2025. The new fleet is expected to fly beyond 2060. In addition to Saab, the RCAF received bids in July from Boeing, which is offering its F/A-18E/F Super Hornet, and Lockheed Martin, which is offering F-35 Lightning II stealth fighters. Canada is also part of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter programme, spending more than $500 million on the effort since 1997, an investment that has allowed Canadian companies to secure C$1.8 billion in contracts from the project. However, Ottawa has not yet committed to buying F-35s, hence the acquisition competition. Politicians objected to F-35s in part due to the high cost of early examples of the stealth fighter. The cost of the F-35A has fallen to $77.9 million per unit, though operating costs remains high, at $35,000 hourly. Lockheed has promised to lower that figure to $25,000 hourly by 2025. For its part, Saab has proposed that Canada's IMP Aerospace & Defence would handle in-country production of the Gripen E, and provide support over the lifetime of the fleet. The company says initial aircraft would be produced in Sweden to meet Ottawa's goal of first fighter delivery in 2025. It is still evaluating how many aircraft could be made in Canada, but says it aims to “maximise” the number. The rest of the Saab Gripen for Canada team would include CAE, which is to provide training and mission systems; Peraton Canada, which is to supply avionic and test equipment, as well as component maintenance, repair and overhaul, and material management; and GE Aviation, which is set to provide and sustain the fighters' turbine engines. https://www.flightglobal.com/fixed-wing/saab-offers-two-aerospace-centres-in-gripen-e-proposal-for-canadas-future-fighter/141602.article

David Pugliese • Ottawa Citizen Dec 14, 2020 • Last Updated 3 days ago • 6 minute read Defence industry executives have been told by a top bureaucrat to stop raising concerns about the controversial program to build a new fleet of warships that is now estimated to cost $70 billion and could go even higher. Company officials have been complaining to politicians and media outlets that the Canadian Surface Combatant project has fallen far short on its promises of creating domestic employment. Another company is in the middle of a lawsuit over the Canadian Surface Combatant or CSC, alleging the procurement was bungled. Federal lawyers are trying to limit the amount of information that can be disclosed in court about the project, with the next hearing to be held Jan. 13. Other industry executives have been warning politicians the rising price tag for CSC will jeopardize funding for other equally important military equipment projects. But Jody Thomas, deputy minister of the Department of National Defence, told executives Oct. 5 that they are hindering the project and she characterized their efforts as being those of sore losers. “I think there's still too much noise from unsuccessful bidders that makes my job and Bill's job very difficult,” she said, referring to Bill Matthews, deputy minister at Public Services and Procurement Canada. The CSC project would see the construction of 15 warships for the Royal Canadian Navy at Irving Shipbuilding on the east coast. Construction of the vessels, to replace the current Halifax-class frigate fleet, isn't expected to start until 2023. But the project has already faced delays and significant increases in cost as the price tag has climbed from an original $14 billion estimate to around $70 billion. In an email to this newspaper about Thomas's statement to defence executives, the DND noted that industry officials have the right to raise their concerns with politicians or turn to the courts if needed. “However, the Department of National Defence, including the Deputy Minister, works for Canadians,” the DND stated. “While we maintain close, positive working relationships with industry, our primary responsibility is to the Canadian taxpayer.” But Thomas's admonishment didn't surprise industry representatives; although they won't go on record with their names for fear of jeopardizing future military contracts, a number of executives point out that for years federal officials have tried to keep a lid on questions and concerns as well as information about the CSC. A review of past actions by the current Liberal and previous Conservative governments and internal documents obtained by this newspaper through the Access to Information law appear to support that view. Federal officials have on two occasions tried to stymie attempts by the Parliamentary Budget Officer to obtain details and budget outlines of the CSC project, as well as with other vessel construction programs under the government's National Shipbuilding Strategy. In 2019, officials with Public Services and Procurement Canada issued a directive that firms interested in maintenance work on the Canadian Surface Combatant program could not talk to journalists and instead must refer all inquiries to the department. That was the fifth such gag order on military equipment projects issued by government over a year-long period. In one case, Procurement Canada threatened to punish any firms who violated the gag order on the proposed purchase of a light icebreaker. That prompted one unnamed company to submit a question to the department on whether a government ban on talking to journalists was even legal, according to records. Industry executives pointed out last year the secrecy was not based on security concerns, but on worries the news media would be able to use the information to keep close tabs on the problem-plagued military procurement system. After this newspaper reported on the gag orders, Procurement Canada claimed last year it would no longer use such bans. Michael Byers, a professor at the University of British Columbia who has produced two studies on the troubled federal shipbuilding program, said government officials have repeatedly tried to limit the amount of information available on the CSC and other shipbuilding projects. “These projects are in serious trouble and when you have those problems, combined with politics, the pressure to keep things secret are very very high,” he explained. Federal officials appear to be concerned specifically about journalists who might be reporting on two particular ship projects; the CSC and the Arctic and Offshore Patrol Ships or AOPS. Both projects involve Irving Shipbuilding. Documents show Irving representatives and bureaucrats from Procurement Canada (then called Public Works) warned DND procurement official Ian Mack in April 2013 that CBC journalist Terry Milewski was working on a story about the high costs of the AOPS and the fact that other nations paid a fraction of what Canadian taxpayers were being charged for similar vessels. Six days after Mack sent his warning out to other bureaucrats, Milewski produced his report. In 2016, Public Works officials alerted Minister Judy Foote's office this newspaper was asking questions about the CSC. Foote's office, in turn, warned Irving representatives. In March 2019, the DND and Public Services and Procurement Canada warned Irving Shipbuilding this newspaper was asking questions about problems with welds on the AOPS. Documents show that after a series of questions were submitted by this newspaper to the DND, PSPC deputy minister Bill Matthews, DND deputy minister Thomas and Pat Finn, then DND's top procurement official, held a conference call with Irving President Kevin McCoy. McCoy briefed “Jody, Bill, Pat” about the company's plans to sue this newspaper if it “published anything that impugned our professional reputation.” There is no indication in the document that the bureaucrats raised any objections to the company's strategy. Thomas took no notes during the conference call, according to the department's Access to Information branch. Matthews responded to Irving's decision with a supportive email. “Welcome to my world,” Matthews wrote to McCoy. Matthews has declined requests to be interviewed by this newspaper. In an email, the department stated the deputy minister's comment was referring to the fact defence procurement “is a highly complex environment, in which we often face criticism about our processes and decisions.” DND confirmed to this newspaper that there had been minor issues with welding on the AOPS and the article was published. In May 2019, the Globe and Mail also reported federal officials alerted Irving the newspaper was seeking information from the Department of Innovation, Science and Economic Development about whether the French fry plant investment qualified as an industrial benefit for the Arctic ship project. After the Globe sent two emails to the department's media relations branch, the newspaper received a letter from a lawyer working for Irving. The letter threatened legal action if the article contained any allegations of improper conduct. Innovation, Science and Economic Development spokesman Hans Parmar stated in an email that Irving was told of the media inquiry as part of the department's policy to ‘'encourage transparency.'' At the time, Irving spokesman Sean Lewis said while the firm respects the work of journalists, in the case of the Globe and this newspaper the company threatened legal action because the news organizations “had highly inaccurate information that would cause our company, and the reputation of our hardworking employees, considerable reputational damage.” In the case of the Globe, Irving confirmed it had received the approximately $40 million industrial benefit credit for the French fry plant. The incident with the Globe and Mail also revealed bureaucrats at Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada had a system to alert Irving each time a journalist asked questions about AOPS. The department claimed it was required to do so according to its contract with Irving. However, that contract contains only a general reference to coordinating public communications. It is unclear whether the department has established a similar system for the CSC project. The department did not answer questions about how many times it has shared information about journalists with Irving officials. Asked about how many times Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada has alerted Irving about journalists asking questions about shipbuilding matters, company spokesman Thomas Ormsby responded: “We do not discuss customer contracts.” https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/too-much-noise-on-canadian-warship-program-dnd-deputy-minister-admonishes-industry-executives

Rather than worrying about where things are built, a better question is: will Canadian soldiers be properly equipped? That's all that matters Matt Gurney Dec 16, 2020 • Last Updated 22 hours ago • 5 minute read It is almost a truism in Canadian public policy: We are terrible at military procurement. You hear that often. I've said it often. But it really isn't true. We only think we're terrible at military procurement because we are confused about what we're trying to do. Our military procurements are not about actually procuring equipment for the military. They're about creating jobs and catapulting huge sums of money into key ridings across the country. Once you shift your perspective and look at it that way, you realize very quickly that our military procurement system is amazing. It bats a thousand. The problem isn't with the system. We've just labelled it badly. If it were called the Domestic Defence Industry Subsidy Program instead of our military procurement system, we'd all be hailing it as a shining example of a Canadian public policy triumph. This is terrible. It has cost us the lives of our soldiers, and probably will again. But it's undeniable. Canadian politicians, Liberals and Conservatives alike, have long had the luxury of seeing defence as a cash pool, not a solemn obligation. And they sure have enjoyed that pleasure. Two recent stories by my colleague David Pugliese for the Ottawa Citizen have explored this theme: Our efforts to replace our fleet of frigates with 15 newer, more powerful ships is turning predictably complicated. The 15 new combat ships are part of a major overhaul of the Canadian fleet, which was neglected for many years and now must be modernized all at once. In February of 2019, the government chose American defence giant Lockheed Martin to produce the ships in Canada, using a British design. (How Anglosphere of us.) Companies that weren't selected to be part of the construction or fitting out of the ships are unhappy, Pugliese noted, and aren't bothering to hide it, even though they've abandoned their legal challenges. The sniping has continued, though, with spurned industry figures talking to the media about problems with the program. Jody Thomas, deputy minister of the Department of National Defence, reportedly told industry leaders to knock it off. “There's too much noise,” she reportedly said, adding that it was making the job of getting the new fleet built “very difficult.” Some of Thomas's irritation is undoubtedly the automatic hostility to scrutiny, transparency and accountability that's far too common for Canadian officials — our bureaucrats are notoriously prone to trying to keep stuff tucked neatly out of public view. But some of what Thomas said is absolutely bang-on accurate: Defence industry companies know full well that the government mainly views military procurement as a jobs-creation program, so are understandably put out to not get what they think is their fair share. Some Canadian companies have designed and developed critical communication and sensor gear for modern warships, Pugliese noted. This gear was developed with taxpayer assistance and has proven successful in service with allied fleets, but was not chosen for the new Canadian ships. And this is, the companies believe, a problem. Why aren't Canadian ships using Canadian-made gear? It's a good question, until you think about it for a moment. Then you realize that the better question is this: will the Canadian ships be properly equipped? That's it. That's all that matters. Will the new ships be capable of doing the things we need them to do? If yes, then who cares where we got the gear? And if no, well, again — then who cares where we got the gear? The important thing isn't where the comm equipment and sensors were designed and built. It's that the systems work when our ships are heading into harm's way. Assuming we have many viable options to choose from, then there are plenty of good ways of making the choice — cost, proven reliability, familiarity to Canadian crews, and, sure, even whether it was made in Canada. But supporting the local industry needs to be the last thing on the list. This stuff is essential. The lives of our sailors may depend on it working when needed. Cost matters, too, of course, because if the gear is too pricey, we won't have enough of it, but effectiveness and reliability are first. Treating military procurement as just another federal jobs-creation program is engrained in our national thinking But we talk about them last. Because we value it least. There probably is some value in preserving our ability to produce some essential military equipment here in Canada. The scramble earlier this year to equip our frontline medical workers with personal protective equipment is instructive. In a war, whether against a virus or a human enemy, you can't count on just buying your N-95 masks, or your torpedoes and missiles, from your normal suppliers. Unless Canada somehow gets itself into a shooting war without any of our allies in our corner, any time we are suddenly scrambling to arm up, our much larger allies are probably also scrambling to arm up, and they'll simply outbid us. (See again our current efforts to procure vaccines for an example of this unfolding in real time.) But we aren't at war now, and we can buy the damn ships from anyone. To the government's credit, it seems to be doing this; the pushback against the program seems mostly rooted in the government's decision to let the U.S.-British consortium chosen to build the new ships equip them as they see fit. The program may well derail at some point — this is always a safe bet with Canadian shipbuilding — but insofar as at least this part of the process goes, we're doing it partially right. Yes, we're insisting on building the ships here, but we aren't getting picky about the equipment that goes into them. That's probably wise. But that's about as far as the wisdom goes. Treating military procurement as just another federal jobs-creation program is engrained in our national thinking. It would have been good if COVID had knocked a bit of sense into us and forced us to, at long last, grow up a bit. But no dice. Oh well. Maybe next time. https://nationalpost.com/opinion/matt-gurney-supporting-local-industry-shouldnt-be-the-first-consideration-in-military-procurement

December 10, 2020 - Netline Communications Technologies Ltd. - a leading developer and manufacturer of high-end electronic warfare and spectrum dominance systems for defense forces and homeland security agencies – is unveiling its new DroneNet RD Jammer - a rapid deployment (RD) tactical drone jamming solution that meets the US Military Standards (MIL-STD) and offers superior performance and fast, easy deployment, while being very compact. The DroneNet RD Jammer is the latest addition to the DroneNet family of comprehensive solutions designed to prevent unauthorized drones entering protected airspace, such as over deployed military forces, over strategic facilities, or in VIP protection arenas, whether on the move or stationary. Easy to operate, assemble and transport, the DroneNet RD jammer can be quickly deployed, mounted on a tripod mast, by a small tactical operating team. The DroneNet solution provides a multi-layered response to unauthorized drones. First, the DroneNet DF sensor detects the drone trying to enter protected airspace, identifies its type and the location from which it has arrived on the scene. The new SDR-based RD jammer then effectively jams communication between the drone and its operator on ISM bands, as well as the GPS signal used by the drone. Providing coverage of all relevant frequency bands used by commercially-available drones, each of its five bands addresses a different communication channel used by the drone for a different purpose: Disabling the drone's control & telemetry channel, resulting in loss of control over the drone Blocking the video downlink transmission Jamming the GPS signal to disable the drone's navigation and stabilization capabilities. Compact and rugged, the new DroneNet RD jammer has completed military standards qualification testing and is now ready to support operations in harsh weather conditions. “The new capability of the DroneNet RD jammer is based on the same building blocks as our proven jamming systems, which have been operational in many combat zones worldwide for over two decades,” says Yallon Bahat, CEO of Netline. “Developing a tactical drone jammer, with capabilities often available only in larger and heavier systems, is a challenge on its own. I'm very proud that Netline has achieved this, despite the global COVID 19 crisis. The company has proven its resilience and commitment to its customers by staying focused and attentive to their needs, even in these challenging times, giving tactical teams autonomy with a system that can be deployed within minutes, and most importantly keeping them safe.” The system can be supplied with either directional or omni-directional antennas. If required, more complex arrays can also be provided, such as mounted rotating directional antennas or switched antennas. Such installations can significantly increase energy efficiency and jamming power when combined with a direction-finding capability, either from Netline's DroneNet system or from an external source via the Application Programming Interface (API). About Netline Communications Technologies Ltd. Netline Communications Technologies Ltd. develops, manufactures and supplies high-end electronic warfare and spectrum dominance solutions for the world's leading defense forces and homeland security agencies. The company specializes in EW counter-IED systems, counter drone solutions (vehicular, portable, tactical and for fixed installations), military/ insurgency communication jamming, prison communication control, and intelligence solutions. Netline's equipment is battle proven, with hundreds of units operating 24/7 under harsh environmental conditions, protecting ground troops and forces, and supporting law enforcement and homeland security agencies worldwide. For more information on Netline Communications Technologies Ltd, please visit the company's website: http://www.netlinetech.com Contact Information Ms. Natalie Deutsch Marketing Communications Manager Netline Communications Technologies Ltd Email: natalied@netlinetech.com Mobile: + 972- 52-6461611

St. Louis, December. 9, 2020 – Boeing [NYSE: BA] and the U.S. Navy have for the first time flown the MQ-25 T1 test asset with an aerial refueling store (ARS), a significant milestone informing development of the unmanned aerial refueler. The successful 2.5-hour flight with the Cobham ARS – the same ARS currently used by F/A-18s for air-to-air refueling – was designed to test the aircraft's aerodynamics with the ARS mounted under the wing. The flight was conducted by Boeing test pilots operating from a ground control station at MidAmerica St. Louis Airport in Mascoutah, Ill. “Having a test asset flying with an ARS gets us one big step closer in our evaluation of how MQ-25 will fulfill its primary mission in the fleet – aerial refueling,” said Capt. Chad Reed, the U.S. Navy's Unmanned Carrier Aviation program manager. “T1 will continue to yield valuable early insights as we begin flying with F/A-18s and conduct deck handling testing aboard a carrier.” Future flights will continue to test the aerodynamics of the aircraft and the ARS at various points of the flight envelope, eventually progressing to extension and retraction of the hose and drogue used for refueling. “To see T1 fly with the hardware and software that makes MQ-25 an aerial refueler this early in the program is a visible reminder of the capability we're bringing to the carrier deck,” said Dave Bujold, Boeing's MQ-25 program director. “We're ensuring the ARS and the software operating it will be ready to help MQ-25 extend the range of the carrier air wing.” The Boeing-owned T1 test asset is a predecessor to the engineering development model aircraft being produced under a 2018 contract award. T1 is being used for early learning and discovery, laying the foundation for moving rapidly into development and test of the MQ-25. Following its first flight last year, T1 accumulated approximately 30 hours in the air before the planned modification to install the ARS. Earlier this year the Navy exercised an option for three additional MQ-25 air vehicles, bringing the total aircraft Boeing is initially producing to seven. The Navy intends to procure more than 70 aircraft, which will assume the tanking role currently performed by F/A-18s, allowing for better use of the combat strike fighters. For more information on Boeing Defense, Space & Security, visit www.boeing.com. Follow us on Twitter: @BoeingDefense and @BoeingSpace. Boeing is the world's largest aerospace company and leading provider of commercial airplanes, defense, space and security systems, and global services. As the top U.S. exporter, the company supports commercial and government customers in more than 150 countries and leverages the talents of a global supplier base. Building on a legacy of aerospace leadership, Boeing continues to lead in technology and innovation, deliver for its customers and invest in its people and future growth. ### Contact: Ashlee Erwin Boeing Defense, Space & Security Mobile: +1 314-239-9944 ashlee.i.erwin@boeing.com Justin Gibson Boeing Defense, Space & Security Mobile: +1 314-708-6293 justin.l.gibson@boeing.com View source version on Saab: https://boeing.mediaroom.com/news-releases-statements?item=130780#assets_20295_130780-117:20857

Rochester, N.Y. — December 9, 2020 - L3Harris Technologies (NYSE:LHX) has received a $57 million competitive award for its Falcon IV® AN/PRC-163 two-channel handheld radios, along with related equipment and services, as part of the U.S. Army's two-channel Leader radio IDIQ contract. Delivery is expected to begin in early 2021. The versatile AN/PRC-163 enables warfighters to share information up and down the chain of command, integrating voice and data across the Army's Integrated Tactical Network (ITN). The radio enables robust command and control by integrating seamlessly into soldier systems such as the Army's Nett Warrior and Enhanced Night Vision Goggle – Binocular (ENVG-B) programs. A key component of the ITN, the AN/PRC-163 delivers advanced networking and wideband and narrowband satellite communications in a compact form factor. It can simultaneously communicate over multiple channels and crossband between them, offering up and down echelon connectivity. It is capable of satellite communications, mobile ad-hoc networking (MANET) waveforms and the Army's SINCGARS waveform. It also offers a path to future software-only updates for SATCOM, SATURN and other anti-jam and resilient waveforms. “The AN/PRC-163 is the most capable handheld radio in the market. It provides warfighters with a broad range of secure interoperable communications capabilities today and the ability to host resilient waveforms required to address evolving future requirements,” said Dana Mehnert, President, Communication Systems, L3Harris. This is the third Low Rate Initial Production (LRIP) order for L3Harris after two previous delivery orders on this contract. The IDIQ contract includes a 5-year base and an additional 5-year option, with a ceiling of $3.9 billion. The Army expects to purchase approximately 100,000 two-channel Leader Radios under the IDIQ. The award further extends L3Harris' leadership in software-defined tactical communications and builds upon the company's proven ability to engineer and deliver advanced two-channel handheld, manpack and vehicular radios. L3Harris previously was awarded contracts by the U.S. Special Operations Command for next-generation handheld and manpack radios and was awarded a position on the Army's HMS Manpack IDIQ for its two-channel AN/PRC-158 manpack radio. About L3Harris Technologies L3Harris Technologies is an agile global aerospace and defense technology innovator, delivering end-to-end solutions that meet customers' mission-critical needs. The company provides advanced defense and commercial technologies across air, land, sea, space and cyber domains. L3Harris has approximately $18 billion in annual revenue and 48,000 employees, with customers in more than 100 countries. L3Harris.com. Forward-Looking Statements This press release contains forward-looking statements that reflect management's current expectations, assumptions and estimates of future performance and economic conditions. Such statements are made in reliance upon the safe harbor provisions of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. The company cautions investors that any forward-looking statements are subject to risks and uncertainties that may cause actual results and future trends to differ materially from those matters expressed in or implied by such forward-looking statements. Statements about the value or expected value of orders, contracts or programs, about system or technology capabilities or about an expected number of radios to be purchased are forward-looking and involve risks and uncertainties. L3Harris disclaims any intention or obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events, or otherwise. View source version on L3Harris Technologies: https://www.l3harris.com/newsroom/press-release/2020/12/l3harris-technologies-awarded-third-lrip-order-us-armys-two-channel