Back to news

December 17, 2020 | Local, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

Matt Gurney: Supporting local industry shouldn't be the first consideration in military procurement

Rather than worrying about where things are built, a better question is: will Canadian soldiers be properly equipped? That's all that matters

Matt Gurney

Dec 16, 2020 • Last Updated 22 hours ago • 5 minute read

It is almost a truism in Canadian public policy: We are terrible at military procurement.

You hear that often. I've said it often. But it really isn't true. We only think we're terrible at military procurement because we are confused about what we're trying to do. Our military procurements are not about actually procuring equipment for the military. They're about creating jobs and catapulting huge sums of money into key ridings across the country.

Once you shift your perspective and look at it that way, you realize very quickly that our military procurement system is amazing. It bats a thousand. The problem isn't with the system. We've just labelled it badly. If it were called the Domestic Defence Industry Subsidy Program instead of our military procurement system, we'd all be hailing it as a shining example of a Canadian public policy triumph.

This is terrible. It has cost us the lives of our soldiers, and probably will again. But it's undeniable. Canadian politicians, Liberals and Conservatives alike, have long had the luxury of seeing defence as a cash pool, not a solemn obligation. And they sure have enjoyed that pleasure.

Two recent stories by my colleague David Pugliese for the Ottawa Citizen have explored this theme: Our efforts to replace our fleet of frigates with 15 newer, more powerful ships is turning predictably complicated. The 15 new combat ships are part of a major overhaul of the Canadian fleet, which was neglected for many years and now must be modernized all at once. In February of 2019, the government chose American defence giant Lockheed Martin to produce the ships in Canada, using a British design. (How Anglosphere of us.) Companies that weren't selected to be part of the construction or fitting out of the ships are unhappy, Pugliese noted, and aren't bothering to hide it, even though they've abandoned their legal challenges.

The sniping has continued, though, with spurned industry figures talking to the media about problems with the program. Jody Thomas, deputy minister of the Department of National Defence, reportedly told industry leaders to knock it off. “There's too much noise,” she reportedly said, adding that it was making the job of getting the new fleet built “very difficult.”

Some of Thomas's irritation is undoubtedly the automatic hostility to scrutiny, transparency and accountability that's far too common for Canadian officials — our bureaucrats are notoriously prone to trying to keep stuff tucked neatly out of public view. But some of what Thomas said is absolutely bang-on accurate: Defence industry companies know full well that the government mainly views military procurement as a jobs-creation program, so are understandably put out to not get what they think is their fair share.

Some Canadian companies have designed and developed critical communication and sensor gear for modern warships, Pugliese noted. This gear was developed with taxpayer assistance and has proven successful in service with allied fleets, but was not chosen for the new Canadian ships. And this is, the companies believe, a problem. Why aren't Canadian ships using Canadian-made gear?

It's a good question, until you think about it for a moment. Then you realize that the better question is this: will the Canadian ships be properly equipped?

That's it. That's all that matters.

Will the new ships be capable of doing the things we need them to do? If yes, then who cares where we got the gear? And if no, well, again — then who cares where we got the gear? The important thing isn't where the comm equipment and sensors were designed and built. It's that the systems work when our ships are heading into harm's way. Assuming we have many viable options to choose from, then there are plenty of good ways of making the choice — cost, proven reliability, familiarity to Canadian crews, and, sure, even whether it was made in Canada.

But supporting the local industry needs to be the last thing on the list. This stuff is essential. The lives of our sailors may depend on it working when needed. Cost matters, too, of course, because if the gear is too pricey, we won't have enough of it, but effectiveness and reliability are first.

Treating military procurement as just another federal jobs-creation program is engrained in our national thinking

But we talk about them last. Because we value it least. There probably is some value in preserving our ability to produce some essential military equipment here in Canada. The scramble earlier this year to equip our frontline medical workers with personal protective equipment is instructive. In a war, whether against a virus or a human enemy, you can't count on just buying your N-95 masks, or your torpedoes and missiles, from your normal suppliers. Unless Canada somehow gets itself into a shooting war without any of our allies in our corner, any time we are suddenly scrambling to arm up, our much larger allies are probably also scrambling to arm up, and they'll simply outbid us. (See again our current efforts to procure vaccines for an example of this unfolding in real time.)

But we aren't at war now, and we can buy the damn ships from anyone. To the government's credit, it seems to be doing this; the pushback against the program seems mostly rooted in the government's decision to let the U.S.-British consortium chosen to build the new ships equip them as they see fit. The program may well derail at some point — this is always a safe bet with Canadian shipbuilding — but insofar as at least this part of the process goes, we're doing it partially right. Yes, we're insisting on building the ships here, but we aren't getting picky about the equipment that goes into them. That's probably wise.

But that's about as far as the wisdom goes. Treating military procurement as just another federal jobs-creation program is engrained in our national thinking. It would have been good if COVID had knocked a bit of sense into us and forced us to, at long last, grow up a bit. But no dice. Oh well. Maybe next time.

https://nationalpost.com/opinion/matt-gurney-supporting-local-industry-shouldnt-be-the-first-consideration-in-military-procurement

On the same subject

  • Ottawa achète un avion sans pilote à 36 millions$ [VIDÉO]

    December 22, 2020 | Local, Aerospace

    Ottawa achète un avion sans pilote à 36 millions$ [VIDÉO]

    OTTAWA - Le gouvernement fédéral a annoncé lundi avoir fait l'acquisition d'un système d'aéronef télépiloté au coût de 36,2 millions $ afin de protéger les eaux canadiennes et de surveiller la pollution. Le nouvel appareil est un Hermes 900 StarLiner, est fabriqué par le constructeur aéronautique israélien Elbit Systems. Selon le site web de l'entreprise, l'engin a une envergure de 17 mètres et une masse maximale au décollage de 1'600 kg. Il contribuera à la mise en oeuvre du Programme national de surveillance aérienne de Transports Canada, a indiqué Services publics et Approvisionnement Canada, dans un communiqué. L'engin servira notamment à détecter les déversements de pétrole, à étudier les habitats de glace et d'eau et à surveiller ce qui se passe sur les eaux de l'Arctique canadien. Le programme vise aussi à contribuer aux opérations de recherche et de sauvetage, aux activités humanitaires et à la lutte contre la pêche illégale. «Cet achat jouera un rôle essentiel dans les efforts du gouvernement visant à vérifier le potentiel pratique de la technologie des drones et à l'intégrer en toute sécurité dans l'espace aérien», est-il également noté dans le communiqué. L'aéronef pourra être commandé depuis un endroit éloigné. Il est doté de capacités d'autopilotage, dont le décollage et l'atterrissage automatiques. Son rayon d'action est de plus de 1400 milles marins. Elbit Systems est une entreprise spécialisée dans les technologies de défense. Elle a obtenu le contrat à la suite d'un «processus d'approvisionnement concurrentiel, ouvert et transparent», insiste Ottawa. Il devrait être livré d'ici deux ans. https://www.lesoleil.com/actualite/ottawa-achete-un-avion-sans-pilote-a-36-millions-video-6335da93961d2bf3d3e6a7f8e5bb34fe

  • Canadian Armed Forces conclude humanitarian assistance operation in Palu, Indonesia

    October 26, 2018 | Local, Aerospace

    Canadian Armed Forces conclude humanitarian assistance operation in Palu, Indonesia

    October 25, 2018 – Ottawa, ON – National Defence / Canadian Armed Forces The Canadian Armed Forces has concluded Operation RENAISSANCE – Indonesia, a part of Canada's humanitarian assistance efforts in Palu, Indonesia. Over the course of the 14-day operation, at the request of the government of Indonesia, a Royal Canadian Air Force CC-130J Hercules transported and delivered Canadian relief items and provided a tactical airlift capability to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian supplies in earthquake and tsunami affected areas. A total of 121,867 kilograms of supplies was airlifted and delivered. Supplies consisted of food, water, shelter kits and other miscellaneous humanitarian assistance equipment. Canada was one of 21 countries, and non-governmental organizations active in the area to support Indonesia following the devastating September 29 Sulawesi earthquakes and resulting tsunami. Quotes “I am proud of the professionalism and dedication exhibited by our Canadian Armed Forces and Global Affairs Canada during Indonesia's time of need. Our thoughts are with the people of Indonesia as they continue to rebuild after the recent earthquake and tsunami.” The Honourable Harjit Sajjan, Minister of National Defence Quick Facts · The Canadian Armed Forces' contribution consisted of a CC-130J Hercules aircraft and 20 personnel. · The aircraft flew a total of 13 airlift missions over the course of the operation. · The CC-130J Hercules was based out of Balikpapan, across the Makassar Strait from the affected areas of Palu. - 30 - Associated Links Operation RENAISSANCE 2018 - Indonesia Social Media @CFOperations - Twitter @OperationsFC - Twitter Contacts Media Relations Department of National Defence Phone: 613-996-2353 Email: mlo-blm@forces.gc.ca

  • Smol: Why Sweden is leagues ahead of Canada on fighter-jet technology

    August 20, 2019 | Local, Aerospace

    Smol: Why Sweden is leagues ahead of Canada on fighter-jet technology

    With the election looming, the Liberal government has set in motion, at least on paper, its commitment to consider bids for the purchase of new fighter jets. Of course, how committed the government is to move ahead on its renewed commitment remains to be seen. Meanwhile, any Canadian truly committed to seeing a modern, well-equipped RCAF, supported by a capable military procurement program, should take special note of one of the top contenders to replace Canada's aging fleet of fighters: Sweden. This non-aligned country, approximately the size of Newfoundland and Labrador, with a population only slightly larger than that of Quebec, has not only succeeded in developing generations of fighter jets, but has seen impressive success in exporting them. Apart from Sweden, Saab's JAS 39 Gripen, the latest version released in 2016, is being used by the Czech Republic and Hungary within NATO. The governments of Brazil, South Africa and Thailand are also purchasing the aircraft. Other countries such as India, Botswana, Indonesia and the Philippines are seriously considering the Gripen. But instead of fretting about how much Canada's aging fighters stand to potentially be outdone by the air forces of the developing world, we should instead look squarely at how Sweden came to be a serious contender to arm and equip this country's emaciated airforce. We should instead look squarely at how Sweden came to be a serious contender to arm and equip this country's emaciated airforce. The answer lies in the national mindset of the two countries. Unlike Canada, and especially when it comes to defence, Sweden refuses to allow itself to fall into dependency status vis-à-vis Europe, NATO or any other military power. In other words, while they actively cooperate with NATO in the defence of Europe, they make it clear that the defence of Sweden is first and foremost a Swedish responsibility. It is why the Swedish army, navy and airforce use high-tech equipment, much of which is built by the Swedes themselves. It is why the Swedes supplement their advanced military technology with elaborate defence-in-depth war plans and civil defence policies. The manual, “If crisis or war comes,” has been recently mailed to every household in Sweden. By contrast, we Canadians have chosen a quasi-colonial mindset with respect to our defence, clearly reflected in our epically embarrassing procurement shortcomings and failures. For the last 60 years, beginning with the cancellation of the Avro Arrow, Canada has been falling into a pattern of dependency on the United States on all matters related to defence. Sweden, on the other hand, has remained committed to designing and developing much its own military aircraft, ships, submarines and army equipment. In the mid-1950s, both Canada and Sweden were working independently on their own advanced fighter aircraft. While Canada was working on the Arrow, the Swedish military and engineers were hard at work on the Draken, which came out the same year. The Draken had a similar delta wing design to the Arrow and was the first European-built fighter jet to break the sound barrier. But that is where the comparison ends; the two countries went on very different paths with respect to their airforces. Canada cancelled and destroyed its Arrow aircraft and took on second-rate Voodoo fighters from the United States. It is what we Canadians wanted, as no successive Conservative or Liberal government has since tried to “bring back the Arrow.” Sweden aggressively continued development of new fighter technology, replacing the Draken with the Viggen in the 1970s, while Canada continued to try to squeeze more life out of our then-aging fighter jets. In the 1980s, as Canada was finally taking on the U.S built F-18, Sweden was working on the first version of the modern Gripen. Of course, as had been well documented, the early Gripen had problems. But as with the Draken and Viggen, the Swedes, unlike Canada, stayed with their national fighter jet. Today, Canada can only dream what our military aircraft industry might have been like in 2019 if then-prime minister John Diefenbaker, with the tacit support of the opposition Liberals, had not cancelled the Arrow, accelerating our descent into military dependency on the United States and national impotence on military procurement. https://ottawacitizen.com/opinion/columnists/smol-why-sweden-is-leagues-ahead-of-canada-on-fighter-jet-technology

All news