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  April 2, 2020 | International, C4ISR

  Panel wants to double federal spending on AI

  Aaron Mehta A congressionally mandated panel of technology experts has issued its first set of recommendations for the government, including doubling the amount of money spent on artificial intelligence outside the defense department and elevating a key Pentagon office to report directly to the Secretary of Defense. Created by the National Defense Authorization Act in 2018, the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence is tasked with reviewing “advances in artificial intelligence, related machine learning developments, and associated technologies,” for the express purpose of addressing “the national and economic security needs of the United States, including economic risk, and any other associated issues.” The commission issued an initial report in November, at the time pledging to slowly roll out its actual policy recommendations over the course of the next year. Today's report represents the first of those conclusions — 43 of them in fact, tied to legislative language that can easily be inserted by Congress during the fiscal year 2021 budget process. Bob Work, the former deputy secretary of defense who is the vice-chairman of the commission, said the report is tied into a broader effort to move DoD away from a focus on large platforms. “What you're seeing is a transformation to a digital enterprise, where everyone is intent on making the DoD more like a software company. Because in the future, algorithmic warfare, relying on AI and AI enabled autonomy, is the thing that will provide us with the greatest military competitive advantage,” he said during a Wednesday call with reporters. Among the key recommendations: The government should “immediately double non-defense AI R&D funding” to $2 billion for FY21, a quick cash infusion which should work to strengthen academic center and national labs working on AI issues. The funding should “increase agency topline levels, not repurpose funds from within existing agency budgets, and be used by agencies to fund new research and initiatives, not to support re-labeled existing efforts.” Work noted that he recommends this R&D to double again in FY22. The commission leaves open the possibility of recommendations for increasing DoD's AI investments as well, but said it wants to study the issue more before making such a request. In FY21, the department requested roughly $800 million in AI developmental funding and another $1.7 billion in AI enabled autonomy, which Work said is the right ratio going forward. “We're really focused on non-defense R&D in this first quarter, because that's where we felt we were falling further behind,” he said. “We expect DoD AI R&D spending also to increase” going forward. The Director of the Joint Artificial Intelligence Center (JAIC) should report directly to the Secretary of Defense, and should continue to be led by a three-star officer or someone with “significant operational experience.” The first head of the JAIC, Lt. Gen. Jack Shanahan, is retiring this summer; currently the JAIC falls under the office of the Chief Information Officer, who in turn reporters to the secretary. Work said the commission views the move as necessary in order to make sure leadership in the department is “driving" investment in AI, given all the competing budgetary requirements. The DoD and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) should establish a steering committee on emerging technology, tri-chaired by the Deputy Secretary of Defense, the Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Principal Deputy Director of ODNI, in order to “drive action on emerging technologies that otherwise may not be prioritized” across the national security sphere. Government microelectronics programs related to AI should be expanded in order to “develop novel and resilient sources for producing, integrating, assembling, and testing AI-enabling microelectronics.” In addition, the commission calls for articulating a “national for microelectronics and associated infrastructure.” Funding for DARPA's microelectronics program should be increased to $500 million. The commission also recommends the establishment of a $20 million pilot microelectronics program to be run by the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity (IARPA), focused on AI hardware. The establishment of a new office, tentatively called the National Security Point of Contact for AI, and encourage allied government to do the same in order to strengthen coordination at an international level. The first goal for that office would be to develop an assessment of allied AI research and applications, starting with the Five Eyes nations and then expanding to NATO. One issue identified early by the commission is the question of ethical AI. The commission recommends mandatory training on the limits of artificial intelligence in the AI workforce, which should include discussions around ethical issues. The group also calls for the Secretary of Homeland Security and the director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation to “share their ethical and responsible AI training programs with state, local, tribal, and territorial law enforcement officials,” and track which jurisdictions take advantage of those programs over a five year period. Missing from the report: any mention of the Pentagon's Directive 3000.09, a 2012 order laying out the rules about how AI can be used on the battlefield. Last year C4ISRNet revealed that there was an ongoing debate among AI leaders, including Work, on whether that directive was still relevant. While not reflected in the recommendations, Eric Schmidt, the former Google executive who chairs the commission, noted that his team is starting to look at how AI can help with the ongoing COVID-19 coronavirus outbreak, saying "“We're in an extraordinary time... we're all looking forward to working hard to help anyway that we can.” The full report can be read here. https://www.c4isrnet.com/artificial-intelligence/2020/04/01/panel-wants-to-double-federal-spending-on-ai/

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  April 22, 2020 | International, C4ISR

  China, COVID-19 and 5G; Golden Opportunity For The West

  By DEAN CHENG on April 21, 2020 at 10:55 AM Wars and pandemics, great destroyers of the status quo, often generate enormous societal change. An outbreak of hoof-and-mouth disease in the early 20th century, for example, gave the internal combustion engine a permanent lead over steam-powered automobiles. The First World War saw more improvements in aeronautical engineering and airplane manufacturing than the previous decade. The unprecedented global shut down that has seen perhaps half of humanity locked down has generated enormous demands for Internet access, especially broadband. The sudden confinement of so much of the world's work force has led to a massive increased demand for broadband, and not simply for entertainment. Telework, telemedicine and a major increase in videoconferencing are all major parts of the new work environment. Verizon, for example, has seen a 20 percent increase in Web traffic, a 12 percent increase in video services. Many experts have predicted demand for broadband will greatly increase in coming years, especially for 5G networks capable of handling massive data flows at speed. The need would rapidly grow, as smart cities and autonomous vehicles became a reality. But the shift to telecommuting has likely accelerated that demand, shifting it to an immediate need. That demand for increased connectivity is not likely to completely recede even after COVID-19 is overcome, any more than public horse troughs returned after the hoof-and-mouth outbreak ended. Instead, if living in dense urban conurbations is seen as posing a growing health risk, a subsequent population shift toward suburbs and rural areas will only further heighten demand for extensive nationwide 5G access. The ability to provide secure informational pipelines capable of handling massive data traffic has now become essential for the functioning of the broader economy, well beyond rapid downloading of movies and video-games. The benefits offered by 5G, whether in terms of faster upload and download times, or more stable connections, will provide immediate economic benefits in the post-COVID world. This will only sharpen the ongoing tensions between the United States and the People's Republic of China over the role of Huawei in building those 5G networks. Even before the outbreak of COVID-19, Washington and Beijing were battling over the security risks posed by Huawei systems. The United States excluded Huawei from its backbone communications infrastructure and is restricting sales of Huawei cell phones and tablets, but it was actively lobbying other nations to do the same. China, in turn, has striven to reassure other nations that not only is Huawei secure, but that it is a bargain. For the Chinese leadership, building the global 5G network is a matter of government policy because it would ensure that China will enjoy sustained economic benefits servicing and upgrading those networks for decades to come. Given the Chinese leadership's focus on establishing “information dominance,” it would also generate enormous strategic benefits. As demand for bandwidth has surged the global pandemic has led to an explosion of hacking and other cyber crime activities, as criminal and state actors exploit the panic and demand for information. Reports estimate that thousands of phishing sites and scams are being created every day. This has included ransomware attacks on hospitals, as well as efforts to hack the World Health Organization and pharmaceutical companies engaged in COVID-19 vaccine research. Among the identified hackers are Chinese (Vicious Panda, Mustang Panda), as well as South Korean, Vietnamese and other groups. One of the newest threats to arise comes courtesy of the massive demand for telecommuting and teleconferencing software. One of the key apps to fill the gap has been Zoom, software for video conferencing, audio conferencing, web conferencing, and messaging. It works on mobile and desktop devices, and in conference rooms. Unfortunately, Zoom has also been found to have major security gaps, including apparently uniwitting transfers of some encryption keys to China-based servers. This created the potential for Chinese elements to access the conferences, as well as data on participants' cell phones, tablets or computers. COVID: Crisis or Opportunity? The Chinese leadership has sought to exploit the COVID crisis to burnish its reputation in key countries where it can play a role in building 5G networks. It is no accident that one of the earliest recipients of Chinese medical attention was Italy — Italy is the only G-7 country to have signed onto the Chinese “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI). As important, Huawei is establishing 5G testbeds in a number of Italian cities. For the Chinese, the ability to project the image of a good partner, providing aid to Italy when its EU partners and the United States did not, would undoubtedly generate good will and greater openness to Chinese participation in the 5G build-out. This same approach marked such efforts as China's arrangement for the world's largest aircraft, a Russian AN-225, to carry tons of medical supplies to Poland, as well as Chinese provision of medical teams and aid to German towns hard hit by the virus. There would seem to be two implicit messages conveyed by the Chinese. The first is that China is a good partner, providing aid and assistance to when countries need it. The other is that China is a reliable partner, especially in terms of supply chains, whether for personal protective equipment (PPE) or high technology items. To support these benign messages, Beijing has also sought to quash any attempt to link COVID-19 to China, and in particular to reject any suggestion that the Chinese government bears any responsibility for its spread. Chinese officials have said that COVID-19 may have come from the United States (with Chinese social media discussing American participants in the World Military Games in China last October). The official Xinhua timeline for the coronavirus pandemic emphasizes its cooperation with the WHO, while making little mention of Dr. Li Wenliang, the doctor who tried to warn higher authorities of the outbreak of a new disease, caught it himself and died. This narrative is belied by the reality that China has neither been transparent about the coronavirus outbreak within its borders, nor been a good or reliable partner in dealing with the disease. China's suppression of information about the disease, including the muzzling of Dr. Li, have become much more widely known. China's delayed quarantine, admitted by the mayor of Wuhan, almost certainly contributed to the global spread of the pandemic. Even more damaging to the Chinese narrative, however, has been the dishonesty of its claims. In the case of Italy, for example, much of what Chinese media presented as aid was actually equipment that Italy purchased from China. Many other European countries, including Spain, the Netherlands and Turkey have found that a range of Chinese medical items, including everything from masks to testing kits, did not work or was defective. In other cases, exports of badly needed medical equipment from China have been delayed due to bureaucratic red tape. More worrisome, some reports indicate that Beijing has suddenly imposed export restrictions on COVID-19 related medical equipment. That is, even equipment that has been paid for may not be exported, raising fundamental questions about the reliability of the Chinese portion of supply chains. At the same time, Chinese efforts to deflect responsibility for the COVID-19 outbreak have also created growing negative images of the PRC. Chinese officials, for example, have not only accused the United States as being the source of the virus, but also Italy. It is clear that while Chinese doctrine on political warfare calls for coordinated, integrated messaging, that remains an aspirational goal. Implications for the Future It is very clear that the Chinese leadership hopes to exploit COVID-19 and its aftermath to help shape a world where China's reputation, soft power and technological access and capabilities are all enhanced. In particular, building on Huawei's ability to sell quality 5G equipment at a substantial discount, China hopes to take advantage of the burgeoning demand for broadband to ensure that Huawei will be integrated into the global informational ecosystem. But China's actual behavior should serve as a warning to economic and strategic decision-makers. It is not at all clear that China is either a good or reliable partner, especially in terms of supply chains. If Chinese PPE provided to foreign customers often fails to work, it may not be the result of a deliberate decision to export ineffective equipment; indeed, this is unlikely given China's political goal of improving its reputation and standing. It does mean that, even in the case of relatively low-technology systems such as masks and chemical tests, China's quality is abysmal. What might this suggest about Chinese-built telecommunications systems? In fact, the 2019 report from the Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre (HCSEC) Oversight Board about the security of Huawei's equipment already emplaced in the UK was scathing. Not only were there a variety of security vulnerabilities, but even previously identified problems had not been addressed by Huawei. There seems to be a pattern of both poor quality control and post-sales support in Chinese manufacturing, which could be catastrophic if allowed in strategic systems such as 5G communications networks. The potential Chinese willingness to impose export controls and restrictions in time of crisis only further raises questions about the resilience of Chinese-manufactured networks, should a political rather than a health crisis arise. COVID-19 further complicates this picture by retarding development and roll-out of alternative 5G networks. Apple has indicated its first 5G enabled iPhone may be delayed from a planned September unveiling. Dish Network has indicated that COVID-19 will delay the construction of its 5G network, but the nationwide lockdown has affected all telecom companies' construction efforts. Samsung, the company best situated to challenge Huawei's ability to construct an integrated 5G network, from mobile telephones and tablets to base stations to servers and routers, also fears that COVID-19 may retard its efforts. The impact of the global shutdown on financial institutions is also likely to affect funding for this massive infrastructure project. But this situation may provide Western nations with a golden opportunity. If COVID-19 is likely to affect everything from auctions for spectrum to infrastructure financing, Western nations should take the opportunity to reconsider their willingness to allow the PRC to construct such a vital part of their national information and strategic backbones. Given the competing demands all leaders are likely to face as the world emerges from COVID-19, deferring key decisions on 5G (and the attendant costs of construction) may make financial, as well as political sense. It would also give Huawei's competitors, including not only Samsung but Ericsson, Nokia and others, a chance to catch up. If nothing else, having more competition would provide national and corporate decision-makers more options, and therefore more leverage in any negotiation with Huawei. Indeed, Huawei's own executives seem to recognize that COVID-19 may have altered the landscape. In a letter to the British parliament, the head of Huawei UK warned: “Disrupting our involvement in the 5G rollout would do Britain a disservice.” Like its behavior regarding COVID-19, Chinese statements such as this may well reveal far more than was intended. https://breakingdefense.com/2020/04/china-covid-19-and-5g-golden-opportunity-for-the-west

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  March 12, 2024 | International, Land

  Space Force mulls refueling as industry calls for funding, standards

  The U.S. Space Force wants industry to invest in on-orbit refueling, but companies say they need standards first.