Northrop Grumman Equipping More US Air Force Platforms with Infrared Countermeasure Systems

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  July 16, 2020 | International, Aerospace

  SCAF-Tempest: nouvelle guerre d'avions de combat européens en vue

  Par Vincent Lamigeon le 15.07.2020 à 15h04 Un rapport du Sénat sur le projet d'avion de combat franco-allemand SCAF juge peu probable une fusion du programme avec le projet britannique concurrent Tempest. Une nouvelle guerre intestine de type Rafale-Eurofighter ferait le bonheur de la concurrence américaine. On connaissait la guerre intestine Rafale-Eurofighter. Il va peut-être falloir s'habituer à son remake, l'affrontement SCAF-Tempest. Dans un rapport sur le projet d'avion de combat franco-allemand SCAF (Système de combat aérien du futur) publié le 15 juillet, les sénateurs Hélène Conway-Mouret et Ronan Le Gleut estiment hautement improbable la fusion du programme avec son concurrent britannique Tempest, lui aussi prévu pour une entrée en service en 2035-2040. "Pour le moment, les deux projets n'ont aucune intersection", estiment les rapporteurs, soulignant que "l'intérêt réciproque" à un rapprochement est "de moins en moins marqué". "Les Britanniques semblent d'ailleurs beaucoup moins effrayés que nous à l'idée d'une concurrence intra-européenne", assure Hélène Conway-Mouret. De fait, chacun des deux programmes avance de son côté. Lancé par Paris et Berlin en juillet 2017, le SCAF a été rejoint par l'Espagne mi-2018. Le projet vise le développement d'un nouvel avion de combat (NGF, pour New Generation Fighter), de drones d'accompagnement ("remote carriers", ou effecteurs déportés) et d'un "cloud de combat" destiné à faire fonctionner ces engins en réseau. Après d''pres négociations, Paris et Berlin ont signé début 2020 un premier contrat de recherche et technologies (R&T). D'un montant de 155 millions d'euros, il a permis de lancer les travaux préparatoires au développement d'un démonstrateur à l'horizon 2026. Dassault, Airbus Defence & Space, Safran, MTU, Thales, MBDA et l'espagnol Indra figurent notamment parmi les industriels retenus. Italie et Suède dans la "Team Tempest" En réaction à ce projet, le Royaume-Uni a annoncé en juillet 2018 le développement de son propre avion de combat du futur, baptisé Tempest. De premiers travaux ont été confiés à une équipe d'industriels britanniques ou très implantés outre-Manche (BAE, Rolls-Royce, Leonardo, MBDA). Londres cherche désormais à attirer dans la "Team Tempest" des pays comme l'Italie, la Suède, mais aussi le Japon, la Turquie et l'Arabie Saoudite. Stockholm et Rome ont déjà, plus ou moins officiellement, rejoint le projet. "C'était une évidence pour nous de choisir cette option au lieu d'attendre quelques années pour obtenir une fraction du programme franco-allemand", assurait le 15 juillet dans le Financial Times Micael Johansson, le directeur général du groupe suédois Saab. Pour les sénateurs, une fusion des deux projets semble donc chaque jour moins probable, d'abord pour raisons industrielles. "La négociation pour la répartition des t'ches entre les grands leaders industriels au sein d'un seul et même projet, en particulier Airbus, Dassault, BAE, Thales et Leonardo, serait très complexe", souligne le rapport. Un rapprochement serait "encore plus difficile si le projet britannique parvient à une véritable internationalisation, en particulier avec l'entrée de la Turquie et/ou de l'Arabie Saoudite, voire du Japon", écrivent les sénateurs. Le scénario de deux avions concurrents, déjà éprouvé depuis 30 ans avec la lutte Rafale-Eurofighter, serait une catastrophe pour la défense européenne. "Il n'est pas certain que l'Europe pourra s'offrir deux systèmes de combat aérien du futur concurrents, avec une base d'exportation nécessairement plus étroite, surtout lorsque les conséquences économiques de la crise du coronavirus se seront fait pleinement sentir", écrivent Hélène Conway-Mouret et Ronan Le Gleut. La concurrence s'annonce frontale: le projet Tempest ambitionne une entrée en service en 2035, soit cinq ans avant le SCAF. Si ce calendrier est jugé "extrêmement ambitieux" par le rapport, le Sénat appelle néanmoins à profiter des plans de relance européens pour accélérer le calendrier du projet franco-allemand, et le rapprocher de la date de 2035. Le cap du milliard d'euros La concurrence du Tempest n'est pas la seule menace pour le programme SCAF. Avec seulement 155 millions d'euros de contrats signés, pour un montant total estimé entre 50 et 80 milliards d'euros, le projet n'est pas encore irréversible, soulignent les rapporteurs. Le Bundestag allemand est en droit de valider chaque tranche de 25 millions d'euros d'investissement, ce qui a déjà ralenti l'avancée du projet et menace les travaux futurs. Pour éviter cet écueil, les rapporteurs préconisent la signature d'un contrat-cadre global dès début 2021, pour graver dans le marbre le lancement du démonstrateur en 2026. "Il faudrait passer à un plus d'un milliard d'euros investis, idéalement 2 milliards, pour rendre le programme irréversible", estime Ronan Le Gleut. Autre menace pour l'avion de combat franco-allemand: l'inefficacité du fameux principe européen dit du "retour géographique", qui prévoit que les Etats partenaires reçoivent une charge industrielle proportionnelle à leur investissement. Cette vieille doxa européenne aboutit, comme sur le programme A400M, au choix d'industriels en fonction de leur passeport, et pas forcément de leurs compétences. Sans sacrifier totalement ce principe, le Sénat appelle donc à privilégier la doctrine dite du "best athlete" (meilleur athlète), selon laquelle c'est l'acteur le plus compétent qui est choisi, quelle que soit sa nationalité. Pour autant, Paris ne doit pas l'cher ses champions nationaux, industriels comme organismes publics, estime le rapport. Les sénateurs préconisent de veiller à la charge confiée aux PME et ETI françaises, et à confier au plus vite des contrats sur le SCAF à l'Onera, le laboratoire français de l'aérospatial. A l'inverse de son homologue allemand, le DLR, celui-ci est pour l'instant largement délaissé. "L'Onera doit participer au programme à la hauteur de son excellence reconnue par tous", indiquent les rapporteurs. Dans une interview à Challenges publiée le 22 juin, le président de l'Onera Bruno Sainjon espérait la signature de contrats SCAF en 2021. M88 contre J200 Les rapporteurs se veulent aussi vigilants sur la motorisation du futur démonstrateur du SCAF, qui doit voler en en 2026. Ils poussent au choix du moteur M88, développé par Safran, dans une version plus puissante que celle qui équipe actuellement le Rafale. C'était le scénario privilégié depuis le départ du programme, et un choix logique au vu du statut de maître d'oeuvre de Safran sur le moteur du SCAF. Mais les rapporteurs ont découvert qu'une autre option envisagée serait de choisir le moteur J200... qui équipe l'Eurofighter Typhoon. "Ce ne serait pas le bon choix, assure Ronan Le Gleut. Safran est le meilleur." Reste à voir si l'allemand MTU et l'espagnol ITP, qui participent à la fabrication du J200, sont du même avis. https://www.challenges.fr/entreprise/defense/scaf-tempest-la-nouvelle-guerre-des-avions-de-combat-europeens_719510

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  June 4, 2020 | International, Naval

  Naval sales buoy French arms exports in new tally

  By: Christina Mackenzie PARIS – France remained in the world's top five defense exporters in 2019 with €8.3 billion ($9.3 billion) worth of contracts signed, notably with European partners Belgium, the Netherlands, Hungary and Spain, according to a defense ministry report published this week. Half of these contracts were in the naval sector, a very sharp rise from the average 10 percent this sector represented in the past. The contract to replace the mine-hunters for the navies of Belgium and the Netherlands, a program piloted by Belgium on behalf of the two nations, accounted for more than 40 percent of naval sector sales. These sales also partially explain the very sharp rise in 2019 of exports to EU member states: 42 percent of the total, a figure that rises to almost 45 percent if one includes European non-EU members, compared to 25 percent in 2018 and an average 10-15 percent in previous years. The next major export client was the United Arab Emirates (with the Gowind corvette contract) but the 30 percent share of exports in the Africa/Middle East zone was 20 points down compared to 2018 but also compared to the average of the past decade. The report notes that France's exports are, above all, aimed at preserving its own security by establishing bilateral cooperations with European countries and strengthening transatlantic ties. The bilateral cooperations are high-level, long-term, intergovernmental agreements and exports to help the partner nations strengthen and adapt their military capacity. The sale of 16 H225M helicopters and 20 H145M helicopters to Hungary, of two telecommunication satellites to Spain and of the mine-hunters to Belgium and the Netherlands illustrate this philosophy. These exports are on par with those of the past decade “and were obtained in a particularly competitive context with the confirmation of U.S. supremacy and the emergence of new major exporters (notably China).” The parliamentary report also notes that Russia “occupies a very strong position on markets with limited financial resources [...] notably to conquer clients outside its traditional sphere of influence. Over the past few years, Russia has strengthened its position on the Asian markets, in the Middle-East and in north Africa.” There were 4,634 export licenses delivered in 2019, either for transfer of equipment (within the European Union) or for export (to all non-EU countries). But each license does not necessarily mean that an export took place, they merely give the framework for the authorization and establish the conditions for the export. Twenty-five license requests were turned down and some 110 were withdrawn by the applicant. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/06/03/naval-sales-buoy-french-arms-exports-in-new-tally/

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  October 1, 2020 | International, Land, C4ISR, Security

  Secretive, never profitable Palantir makes its market debut

  Frank Bajak, The Associated Press BOSTON — Seventeen years after it was born with the help of CIA seed money, the data-mining outfit Palantir Technologies is finally going public in the biggest Wall Street tech offering since last year's debut of Slack and Uber. Never profitable and dogged by ethical objections for assisting in the Trump administration's deportation crackdown, Palantir has forged ahead with a direct listing of its stock, which is set to begin trading Wednesday. In its stock offering, the company isn't selling newly minted shares to raise money; it's simply listing existing shares for public trading. The low-key strategy may not generate the enthusiasm many technology offerings do. But it's in character for a secretive company long reliant on spies, cops and the military as customers — and whose founders are holding onto voting control of the company. The big question for both investors and company management: Can Palantir successfully transition from a business built on the costly handholding of government customers to serving corporate customers at scale? The company is a hybrid provider of software and consulting services that often embeds its own engineers with clients. Analysts say its future depends on selling multinationals on its tools for gathering disparate data from an ever-expanding data universe and using artificial-intelligence technology to find previously undetectable patterns. Those can theoretically guide strategic decisions and identify new markets much as they have aided in tracking terrorists and sorting military intelligence. The company sets itself apart from most U.S. technology providers, and just moved its headquarters to Denver from Silicon Valley. Palantir colors itself patriotic and belittles other tech firms that won't unquestionably support U.S. dominance in war fighting and intelligence. “Our software is used to target terrorists and to keep soldiers safe,” CEO Alex Karp wrote in a letter accompanying Palantir's offering prospectus. While Karp acknowledged the ethical challenge of building software that “enables more effective surveillance by the state,” Palantir's prospectus touts its work helping U.S. soldiers counter roadside bombings and fight the Islamic State group. The iconoclastic entrepreneur and PayPal co-founder endorsed President Donald Trump in 2016, worked on his transition team and holds the largest chunk of Palantir stock. Thiel already exerts tremendous power from the board of Facebook, which dominates global media and seeks to create a digital currency. In its IPO prospectus, Palantir paints a dark picture of faltering government agencies and institutions in danger of collapse and ripe for rescue by a “central operating system” forged under Thiel's auspices. As the offering is structured, Thiel will be the dominant voice among the Palantir co-founders who will retain voting control. “Is that someone who you want deciding how a component of the (national) security apparatus is designed?” asked New York University business professor Scott Galloway. “If you believe that power corrupts and checks and balances are a good idea, this is just from the get-go a really bad idea.” Earlier in September, BuzzFeed reported that Thiel hosted a known white nationalist, Kevin DeAnna, at a 2016 dinner party, citing emails it obtained and published whose authors refused to talk to the online news outlet. Thiel declined through a spokesman to discuss the report with The Associated Press. Critics say he shares the blame for Facebook's incomplete removal of toxic disinformation disseminated by the pro-Trump far-right fringe. Then there are Palantir's fundamentals, which Galloway considers lousy. The company has just 125 customers in 150 countries, including Airbus, Merck, Credit Suisse and the Danish National Police. Slightly less than half its 2019 revenues were from government agencies, and three clients — which Palantir did not name — accounted for almost a third of revenues. “They're massively unprofitable and they've never been able to figure it out,” Galloway said, noting that it took Google three years to earn a profit, and Amazon seven. Over a much longer span, Palantir has accumulated $3.8 billion in losses, raised about $3 billion and listed $200 million in outstanding debt as of July 31. Palantir, named for the mystical all-seeing stones from Tolkien's “Lord of The Rings,” has recently been deepening its relationship with Uncle Sam, including winning a modest contract early in the COVID-19 pandemic for helping the White House gather data on the virus' impact. Senior emerging technology analyst Brendan Burke of Pitchbook says he isn't worried that Thiel's association with Trump will hurt the company if Trump loses the election. “The political connections don't appear to be the main driver of their recent substantial contract wins,” he said, although he noted that government contracts can be more volatile than corporate ones, where Palantir's foothold is less firm. Palantir offers two software platforms. Foundry is designed to link disparate and largely incompatible data sources into a central operating system. It's the company's primary hope for broadening its business. An earlier product, Gotham, has been used by defense and intelligence analysts and police departments to identify patterns deep within datasets. But the value of “predictive policing” tools developed with the platform have been questioned for their potential to unfairly target people of color. The New Orleans and New York City police departments, once customers, have used it. A 2017 research paper by University of Texas sociologist Sarah Brayne, who studied the Los Angeles Police Department's use of Gotham, found the software could lead to a proliferation of unregulated personal data collected by police from commercial and law enforcement databases. On Monday, Amnesty International issued a briefing that says Palantir is failing to conduct human rights due diligence around its contracts with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, calling it “deeply ironic” that the company crows about its determination not to work with regimes like China that abuse human rights. Palantir's ICE contracts involve the maintenance and improvement of two products used in deportation raids. One of them, its web-based Falcon tool, has enhanced data accessible to investigators “involving the illegal movement of people into, within, and out of the United States,” according to documents obtained by The Associated Press, including court records, and by the nonprofit Electronic Privacy Information Center in a freedom-of-information request. Palantir has acknowledged in its SEC filing that “unfavorable coverage in the media” and from social activists could hurt its business. It also says its contractual obligations might prevent it from being able to defend its actions publicly, although it recently named a former Wall Street Journal reporter to its board. Negative publicity over ICE contracts may also have hurt company recruitment on college campuses. https://www.defensenews.com/industry/2020/09/30/secretive-never-profitable-palantir-makes-its-market-debut/