Navigating the Threat Landscape: Understanding Exposure Management, Pentesting, Red Teaming and RBVM

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  December 10, 2019 | International, Land

  US Army picks two vehicle protection systems to evaluate realm of the possible

  By: Jen Judson WASHINGTON — The U.S. Army has picked two active protection systems to evaluate next fall for possible applications on a variety of ground combat vehicles. A Rheinmetall and Unified Business Technologies team received an $11 million contract from the Army to provide its StrikeShield APS system for the evaluation. And a DRS and Rafael team received a similar contract to participate, the Army confirmed to Defense News. After evaluating two active protections systems — StrikeShield and Rafael's Trophy VPS — in a 2018 demonstration, and determining neither were the right fit for an interim APS capability for the Stryker combat vehicle, it appears the door is opening back up for that capability. It is likely the solution the Army is evaluating from DRS and Rafael is Trophy VPS, Rafael's lighter version of its Trophy APS system that is being fielded on Abrams tanks. The Army found interim APS solutions for both its Abrams tanks and Bradley Infantry Fighting Vehicles, but the service has struggled to find one for the Strykers. The service moved quickly over the past several years to field combat vehicle protection against rocket-propelled grenades and anti-tank-guided missiles while it develops a future system. The service's new evaluation effort — conducted through the its new Vehicle Protective Systems (VPS) program office — will begin in October 2020 at Redstone Test Center in Huntsville, Alabama. “It provides a pathway to potential utilization of the system on vehicles in the current Army vehicle fleet as well as vehicles fielded in the future,” according to a Rheinmetall statement issued earlier this month. The Army will evaluate StrikeShield “as part of a larger effort to characterize APS performance against a wide variety of anti-armor threats,” Rheinmetall's statement read. “This significant contract award represents the first funded APS testing the Army will undertake of the StrikeShield system.” Rheinmetall and UBT funded the previous evaluation of the system for Stryker at the invitation of the Army. Based in Unterluess, Germany, Rheinmetall has been pushing to get its active defense system in front of the Army and under consideration for integration into U.S. combat vehicles for several years. The company seemed poised to be selected as the interim solution for the Stryker prior to the Army's demonstration last fall. The Army also considered Herndon, Virginia-based Artis Corporation's Iron Curtain APS for Stryker through a more extensive evaluation, but decided in August 2018 not to move forward in fielding it to Stryker units. The new round of evaluations considers limited characterizations focused on platform agnostic testing to garner additional data on hard-kill APS, the Army told Defense News in a written statement. The APS will be installed on a vehicle agnostic test riq, the service said, to inform APS considerations for “multiple ground combat platforms.” “The results of this activity will be leveraged to inform the Army's approach to future hard kill APS acquisitions,” the service added. While the Army has looked and, in some cases, acquired APS for the Stryker, Bradley and Abrams, it is also considering what protection systems are needed for its armored multipurpose vehicle, mobile protected firepower capability and Bradley's future replacement, the optionally manned fighting vehicle (OMFV). The evaluations are scheduled to start at the beginning of fiscal 2021 and will last roughly six months. https://www.defensenews.com/land/2019/12/09/us-army-picks-two-vehicle-protection-systems-to-evaluate-realm-of-the-possible

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  December 9, 2019 | International, Other Defence

  Opinion: Is Pressuring Allies To Pay More For Defense Worth The Cost?

  President Donald Trump appears to be getting his wish that U.S. allies pay more for their own defense, which begs the question: Is the victory worth the cost? Pushing allies to spend at least 2% of their GDP on defense is not a new concept. Trump's predecessors George W. Bush and Barack Obama both argued for greater burden sharing, and Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine's Crimea region had allies starting to move toward that benchmark. Arguably, Trump's “America First” drumbeat is getting NATO allies to pay a bigger share of the cost of their defense three decades after the end of the Cold War. Military spending by European NATO nations and Canada has risen 4.6% this year, and the majority of allies have plans to spend at least 2% of their GDP on defense by 2024, according to NATO General Secretary Jens Stoltenberg. Meanwhile, the U.S. is on a path to dial back its contribution from 22% of NATO's total funding to 16%. “This is a direct result of President Trump making clear our expectations that these Europeans would step up to help secure their own people,” says U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Unfortunately, Trump has not stopped there, openly expressing disdain for an organization established to guard against the kind of territorial expansion undertaken by the former Soviet Union. He has hurled sophomoric barbs at steadfast allies such as the UK, Germany and Canada, while refusing to criticize Russian strongman Vladimir Putin, the architect of both the Crimea invasion and Moscow's campaign to interfere in U.S. elections. For the first phase of the Trump presidency, his cabinet tried to temper those go-it-alone impulses. Then-Defense Secretary James Mattis sought to reassure allies of U.S. support for their security. But more recent White House appointees have been less willing to cross their boss. Even more damaging was Trump's abrupt decision to withdraw most U.S. forces from Syria, disgracefully abandoning America's Kurdish allies to the benefit of Turkey, Russia and Iran and leaving Europe more exposed to attacks from Islamic extremists. “What we are currently experiencing is the brain death of NATO,” French President Emmanuel Macron told The Economist. Trump sees NATO in a transactional way, “as a project in which the United States acts as a sort of geopolitical umbrella, but the trade-off is that there has to be commercial exclusivity,” he added. “It's an arrangement for buying American.” While Macron is calling for a reconsideration of what NATO means in light of reduced American commitment, European nations are not waiting. They are building up their own defense industrial base. In 2017, the EU created the Permanent Structured Cooperation initiative, which is pursuing research toward new missiles, aircraft, missile defense and electronic attack capabilities. U.S. efforts to have its companies included in the work have so far been brushed off. Trump's hardball approach also is being applied to key allies in Asia that have long served as a bulwark against a rising China. The U.S. alliance with South Korea is now reviewed annually, instead of every four years. And after signing a deal in February that calls for South Korea to pay nearly $1 billion to maintain the U.S. military presence there, Washington is now demanding that Seoul pay $4.7 billion annually. Before an agreement was reached, the U.S. walked out of the talks. The Trump administration also is looking for more cash from Japan, calling for more than triple Tokyo's $1.7 billion contribution toward hosting U.S. troops in its country. These requests are straining longstanding alliances. South Korea is edging closer to China, while Japan, which has a strong industrial base, might partner with the UK on its Tempest fighter program. To be sure, U.S. defense exports remain near an all-time high. The Defense Security Cooperation Agency announced $55.4 billion in potential Foreign Military Sales in fiscal 2019, about the same as the prior year. But there are indications that Trump's pay-up-now methods may lead to an erosion in future sales. Asking allies to contribute more for their own defense certainly has merit, but the wider risks to U.S. global interests cannot be ignored. Can 70-year-old alliances survive if the leading partner vocally questions their value? And if the alliances crack, what would that mean for the U.S. military industrial base? “The more our alliances fray,” says Eric Edelman, a former U.S. undersecretary of defense, “the less interest people have in buying U.S. defense goods and services.” https://aviationweek.com/defense/opinion-pressuring-allies-pay-more-defense-worth-cost

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  May 11, 2020 | International, Aerospace

  Greece and Israel deal spotlight leasing model for military UAVs

  By: Seth J. Frantzman JERUSALEM — Greece's Hellenic Ministry of National Defense will lease unmanned aerial vehicles from Israel, in a deal that offers up an alternative to pricey acquisitions amid budgetary constraints. The Heron long endurance drones, manufactured by IAI, will be used for border defense under a leasing model that IAI said may grow more appealing with the new pandemic dynamics that countries face. Executive vice president and general manager of AIA's Military Aircraft Group, Moshe Levy, praised the new deal with Greece as "yet another example of the successful leasing model promoted by IAI in many parts of the world.” Greece will have an option to purchase the Herons after the lease term ends in three years. The Heron is one of the most popular of IAI UAVs, which have collectively seen 1.8 million operation flight hours with over fifty partners worldwide, the company says. IAI could not comment on the overall value of the lease agreement. The twin-boom Heron comes in several models, including the smaller tactical Heron unveiled in 2019, and the longer endurance Heron MK II unveiled this year. With development roots in the early 1990s, the larger Heron UAVs have been active with the Israeli Air Force since the early 2000s and been used by countries such as Turkey, India, Australia, Singapore, Azerbaijan and Germany. Greece and Israel have become closer partners in defense and maritime relations over the last decade. The Heron lease for Greece will include a unique maritime configuration with sensors and communications designed to monitor the extensive water borders of Greece. Levy says that Israel sees this maritime security model as an important market. The coronavirus pandemic has made countries increasingly aware of the need to control borders, Levy said, creating newfound demand for large surveillance UAVs like Heron. The flexibility of lease agreements with operations outsourced allows customers to get the data they need to secure borders, but without the overhead of ownership or the large logistical footprint. Levy points to previous lease agreements, such as a $600 deal in 2018 with Airbus and Germany to lease Heron TPs. Those leased Herons saw more than 30,000 hours of flight time in Afghanistan. “We supply the birds [UAVs] and the maintenance and another company takes the bird and puts it in the air," Levy said. “The customer just does the mission and get the data.” Lease agreements were signed with Australia and Canada over the last decade as well. “We assume after coronavirus, budgets will shrink and people will look for different solutions and things that are simpler, and less costly, so the lease option can meet the needs,” Levy said, particularly for states that want only a few large UAVs, without the overhead of operations and training. Israel was the world's largest exporter of drones through 2013, bringing in more than $4.6 billion in sales between 2006 and 2012 and selling UAVs to more than two dozen countries. However, China has rapidly increased its military drone sales to become one of the largest exporters last year. At the same time, UAV sales are increasingly a smaller percent of Israel's overall defense exports, illustrating a changing market. “We have to adapt and manage our portfolio. We are offering a wide variety of platforms,” says Levy. The new Heron MK II, with a wingspan of 16 meters, weighs 1,300 kg and can reach an altitude of 35,000 feet for up to 45 hours. It has a new more powerful Rotax 915 iS engine, says Levy, who pointed to increased demnd for versatile vertical-takeoff and landing (VTOL) options or UAVs that require only a short runway. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/05/08/greece-and-israel-deal-spotlight-leasing-model-for-military-uavs/