Lockheed, Government Negotiating New ‘Skinny’ F-35 Sustainment Deal - Air Force Magazine

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  September 26, 2018 | International, Aerospace, Land

  France: Budget 2019: l'armée se débarrasse de ses vieilleries

  Par Romain Rosso Avec 35,9 milliards d'euros (+5% par rapport à l'an dernier), la France consacre 1,82% de la richesse nationale à sa défense. Longtemps en déflation, le budget de la Défense est désormais une priorité nationale. A l'heure de la réduction de la dépense publique, le ministère des Armées est le grand gagnant des arbitrages budgétaires pour 2019. Les Armées présentent un budget en hausse de 5% par rapport à 2018, pour un montant de 35,9 milliards d'euros (hors pensions)*. "Pour mesurer le chemin parcouru, souligne l'hôtel de Brienne, c'est près de 4 milliards de plus qu'en 2016, après les attentats de Paris et l'actualisation de la précédente Loi de programmation militaire (LPM) [sous François Hollande, ndlr]. Pendant la même période, les crédits alloués à l'équipement des forces armées ont progressé, eux, de 2,5 milliards d'euros, soit 19,5 milliards d'euros en 2019." La question des crédits accordés à la défense est devenue sensible depuis la démission fracassante de l'ancien chef d'état-major des armées, le général Pierre de Villiers, en juillet 2017. L'officier s'était alors fait rabroué par le président de la République après avoir critiqué des coupes budgétaires. Pas de surprise cette année : avec une augmentation de 1,7 milliard d'euros, ce budget 2019 suit une trajectoire conforme à celle inscrite dans la nouvelle LPM, votée en juin dernier. Celle-ci prévoit une hausse substantielle, de l'ordre de 295 milliards d'euros, à l'horizon 2025. Renouveler des avions et des blindés hors d''ge Ces sommes permettront de "régénérer", c'est-à-dire de réparer, et surtout de renouveler certaines capacités les plus anciennes, dont les armées ont cruellement besoin lors des nombreuses opérations extérieures qu'elles mènent, notamment en Afrique et au Levant sur le thé'tre irako-syrien. Ainsi, le premier avion ravitailleur MRTT (un gros airbus A330) doit enfin arriver, en octobre, en remplacement des appareils actuels qui datent des années 1960. Douze appareils neufs sont prévus d'ici à 2023. Six drones Reaper seront aussi livrés : plusieurs sont déjà déployés au Sahel, où ils sont des outils indispensables dans la guerre contre les groupes armées djihadistes. Nouveauté : ces drones seront armés, comme l'a annoncé la ministre l'an dernier. Le futur porte-avions à l'étude L'armée de terre, elle, attend la livraison de 89 véhicules Griffon, un blindé "multirôle" à 6 roues motrices, pouvant partager en temps réel ses données avec les autres, à la place des VAB, eux aussi, hors d''ge. Quant à la marine, elle recevra une frégate multimissions (Fremm). Autre bonne nouvelle pour les marins : les études pour le futur porte-avions, qui doit succéder au Charles-de-Gaulle d'ici à 2040, ont été lancées. Si l'hypothèse d'un second navire étendard fait partie de la réflexion, il est peu probable qu'elle soit retenue, en raison du coût d'un tel outil, dans un horizon stratégique imprévisible et lointain. "Le choix se fera après la LPM", glisse-t-on à Brienne. Dans les prochaines années, un autre débat risque d'être encore plus animé, lié à la dissuasion nucléaire. 400 millions d'euros supplémentaires viennent d'être alloués à la modernisation de ses deux composantes (aérienne et navale) : missile, système de transmission, programme de simulation... Avec 4,45 milliards d'euros consacrés en 2019 à l'armement atomique, la "clef de voûte" de la défense nationale consume près de 23% du budget d'équipement des armées et 12% du budget global. Ce montant va aller croissant à partir de 2020. Certains, notamment dans l'armée de terre, craignent que cela ne se fasse aux dépens de l'armement conventionnel. Améliorer le quotidien des soldats Il n'y a pas que les grands équipements. Florence Parly en fait son mantra : la LPM, dite à "hauteur d'homme", prévoit d'améliorer le quotidien du soldat. Par exemple, en renforçant les petits équipements individuels, tels que les treillis intégrant une protection contre le feu ou les gilets pare-balles - 25 000, sur les 55 000 prévus à terme, doivent être livrés. De même que 8 000 nouveaux fusils d'assaut allemand HK 416, qui remplacent depuis peu les fameux Famas français. Quant au "plan familles", il bénéficiera de 57 millions d'euros supplémentaires. Au total, 450 postes seront créés, dont les trois quarts iront au renseignement et à la cyberdéfense. Le ministère des Armées affiche désormais la volonté de rendre son budget "sincère". Ainsi, les provisions des opérations extérieures (opex), naguère sous-évaluées en début d'exercice, progressent de 200 millions d'euros, à hauteur de 850 millions d'euros. Elles seront progressivement portées à 1,1 milliard d'euros, proche de leur coût réel. Si, malgré tout, des surcoûts devaient survenir, ils seraient pris en charge par la solidarité interministérielle, indique-t-on à Brienne. Dans le cas inverse - peu probable dans le contexte actuel - où les opex coûteraient moins cher dans l'avenir, les Armées conserveraient le surplus. Aux armées désormais de payer les "opex" Si la franchise a des vertus, elle n'en masque pas moins un changement de périmètre : "Tout ce qui concourt à rendre 'sincère' le budget est une bonne chose, relevait, dans une interview à L'Express, le général Pierre de Villiers, ancien chef d'état-major des armées. Toutefois, je note que, dans le programme présidentiel [du candidat Macron], le budget des armées 2025 devait s'élever à 50 milliards d'euros courants, hors pensions et hors opex." En clair, ce sont désormais les armées qui paient le surcoût des opérations extérieures et non plus la solidarité gouvernementale. Quant à la fameuse trajectoire prévue, elle sera portée à 3 milliards d'euros supplémentaires par an [soit 44 milliards d'euros en totalité] à partir de 2023, c'est-à-dire au-delà du quinquennat. * Une première augmentation de 1,8 milliard avait été décidée l'an dernier, qui a couvert les engagements de la précédente mandature. https://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/politique/budget-2019-l-armee-se-debarrasse-de-ses-vieilleries_2036930.html

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  August 5, 2019 | International, C4ISR

  Carderock Uses High-Fidelity Signature Simulation to Train Surface Combat Systems

  By Benjamin McNight III, Naval Surface Warfare Center, Carderock Division Public Affairs WEST BETHESDA, Md. (NNS) -- In the world of simulations, getting a system to act as close to authentic as the real-world situations it represents is always the main goal. Naval Surface Warfare Center (NSWC), Carderock Division develops high-fidelity acoustic simulation and training systems, giving naval personnel the ability to practice combat scenarios virtually. The Combined Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAMD) and Anti-Submarine Warfare (ASW) Trainer, better known as CIAT, made its official debut in December 2018 at Naval Base San Diego. In June, Naval Station Norfolk became the site for another CIAT installation. Motions to create this trainer began in 2014, according to Rich Loeffler, Carderock's senior scientific technical manager, director for signatures, tactical decision aids and training systems (Code 705). “CIAT is what we refer to as a Combat Systems Team Trainer,” Loeffler said. “Meaning that your goal is to bring in the whole portion of the crew that would be operating the combat system and train them in a shore site how they can best utilize the system when they are at sea.” Carderock shares CIAT responsibilities with NSWC Dahlgren Division. Dahlgren is responsible for the overall system integration and manages the IAMD aspect of the trainer, while Carderock leads the development of the acoustic and ASW capabilities. Carderock also has capabilities that contribute to the IAMD training. Using the periscope simulation that creates a real-time visual simulation of what one could see through the periscope of a submarine, Loeffler said they were able to utilize that technology for the surface ship trainer in the CIAT. “In this case, they have deck cameras if they want to be able to see when a missile launches from the forward or aft launchers. We basically provide the visuals for that,” he said. By modeling the threats and the ocean environment and then stimulating the actual tactical combat system software, the CIAT system is highly flexible in the ability to train real-world scenarios. With the many possibilities of training situations that can be created within the CIAT comes the need to use multiple sources of knowledge to create effective training situations that will benefit the fleet. “We'll work with people like the Office of Naval Intelligence to get threat intelligence data, we'll work with folks like the Naval Oceanographic Office to get the latest environmental models and databases, and then we'll work with the tactical programs themselves to get the tactical software,” Loeffler said. “Our role here at Carderock has been to leverage signature simulation capabilities we have developed over the years across submarine, surface and surveillance ASW trainers and provide the system design, development, integration and testing support to implement the CIAT requirement to support the fleet's training needs,” he said. Before the CIAT existed, the Surface ASW Synthetic Trainer (SAST) was developed by Carderock as an on-board embedded training system within the AN/SQQ-89 A(V)15 Sonar system. Loeffler said beginning in 2008, they went through a series of large analyses to compare and contrast what the simulation produced with what operators saw at sea. The data from that testing helped further develop the SAST and subsequently create the CIAT. Now, they are able to represent all components of the operations they run from the physics modeling perspective, such as what sounds are generated and how they propagate through the water, interactions with interfering objects and sea-state effects on these variables. “Since we're acoustically stimulating the actual tactical software of the sonar system, the users are operating the systems just as they would at sea,” he said. Loeffler believes that there is not anything off limits for what the CIAT can do, but adapting with new threats will require the right development within the trainer to represent the real-world situation. Although the system is relatively new, discussions on the next steps in the development of the trainer are already taking place with the help of Center for Surface Combat Systems (CSCS) defining and prioritizing fleet training requirements “CSCS is basically the primary stakeholder that owns the surface-ship training schoolhouses, and they've done their requirements review to see what additional capabilities they'd like to see in the next version of CIAT,” Loeffler said. “So, we're going through that process, assessing those requirements and looking for what would go into the next version to further improve training and also address training of the new combat system capabilities as they are being introduced into the fleet.” https://www.navy.mil/submit/display.asp?story_id=110471

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  August 1, 2018 | International, Aerospace

  Despite Trump’s Rhetoric, U.S. Defense Firms Pitch Moving Production To India

  As big defense firms line up to pitch their fighter planes to India, the government of Narendra Modi is demanding they build in India, something that might be at odds with the Trumpian America First philosophy. By PAUL MCLEARY WASHINGTON: The Trump administration has cleared the decks for what promises to be a huge increase in technology and weapons exports to India, putting the country on the same footing as members of NATO, and allies like Japan and Australia, when it comes to favored export status. While the new status may pave the way for major U.S. defense firms to lock up multi-billion deals with the Indian government, those deals would likely come with the stipulation that production be moved to India, something American defense giants like Lockheed Martin and Boeing have promised to do, even if it runs counter to the Trump administration's focus on creating more manufacturing jobs at home. Such offsets, as they are known in the arms export business, are a staple of such deals and are a crucial part of negotiations. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross made the announcement yesterday as part of the US government's continuing efforts to draw closer to Delhi, partly as a bulwark against Chinese expansionism in the region. Granting India Strategic Trade Authorization status also comes as the Indian military is considering spending tens of billions of dollars on drones, fighters and helicopters made by U.S. defense manufacturers. Ross, speaking at a U.S. Chamber of Commerce event, said the move reflects India's efforts to abide by multilateral export rules, and “provides India greater supply chain efficiency, both for defense, and for other high-tech products.” India's ambassador to the United States, Navtej Sarna, added that it is a sign of trust in India's “capabilities as an economy and as a security partner, because it also...would allow the transfer of more sensitive defense technologies,” and “fleshes out our defense partnership in a big way.” But the new trade status can only do so much, and India's decades-long reliance on Russian weaponry over U.S. or European equipment is something that shows no sign of changing anytime soon, a fact that rankles many on Capitol Hill. In Washington, the House recently passed its version of the 2019 NDAA, which granted Defense Secretary James Mattis' request to waive sanctions on partner countries that have bought Russian arms in the past, but the Senate has yet to take up the bill, and is expected to vote on it some time next month. The waivers, Mattis said in a series of letters to lawmakers, would allow the Pentagon to forge closer ties with countries like India, Vietnam, and Indonesia, by not penalizing them for having Russian equipment, even as they move closer to the U.S. But the chronically chaotic state of the Indian military's acquisition practices also presents significant hurdles, according to experts. Air Marshal M. Matheswaran, former deputy chief of the defense staff in the Indian Ministry of Defense told an audience at the Stimson Center in Washington that the Indian government and military often seek to simply to “fill in technological gaps” they believe they have, rather than building strategically. “Their procurement is a mess. They're not joint. They're risk adverse. They've just got a ton of problems,” one former White House official, who asked to speak anonymously, told me. “Broadly, in procurement they have tried in the post-Cold War era to diversify their procurements as a political sop to potential partners,” he said. “They start to move more through the pipeline than they can actually pay for, and they end up building this very motley force in a way that's not always coherent.” As it stands, the United States accounts for about 12 percent of India's defense imports, a number which is expected to grow 6.2 percent annually through 2023, according to a recent study by Avescent, a consulting firm. The Indian defense budget, at more than $53 billion, is the fifth-largest in the world, and as the Avascent analysis noted, it “is also one of the most competitive,” as local companies battle it out, along with a mix of Russian, French, Israeli, and American firms. The air force, for example, flys Russian MiG and French Rafale fighters, along with American C-17 and C-130 transport aircraft and Israeli Heron drones. In recent years, France has emerged as the big winner in several hard-fought awards, inking an $8.6 billion contract for 36 Rafale fighter aircraft in 2016 — which will serve as India's primary nuclear delivery aircraft — and a deal for six Scorpene-class submarines for $4.6 billion in 2005. As part of the government's “Make in India” initiative, most of the work on the subs will be done at the Mazagon dockyard in Mumbai. But Russia isn't going anywhere. Moscow is on the verge of finalizing a $3.2 billion contract for four S-400 surface-to-air missile systems with India, part of about $12 billion worth of Russian arms deals in the works with the Indian government. The two countries are also close to finalizing a $1.1 billion deal for 48 additional Mi-17-V5 military transport/utility helicopters, with final signatures expected during Russian President Vladimir Putin's October visit to India. According to local reports, the contract will mandate that 30 percent of the work be done by the Indian defense industry, as part of the Modi government's push to build up the Indian manufacturing sector. The helicopters joint U.S.-made Chinooks and Apaches in the country's rotary-wing fleet. The Indian government says that it doesn't have a problem with such a mix and match approach, however, even if it does complicate supply chains. Currently, the big contract up for an award is the Indian Air Force's requirement for 110 aircraft, expected to be worth as much as $15 billion. Boeing has announced it would join with Indian firms Hindustan Aeronautics Limited and Mahindra Defense Systems to manufacture its F/A-18 Hornet in the country if it wins the contract, and Lockheed Martin has pledged to move its entire F-16 production line to India from Greenville, S.C., to India, potentially at the expense of 250 South Carolina jobs. “The F-16 gives the Indian industry a unique opportunity to be at the center of the world's largest fighter aircraft ecosystem,” Lockheed exec Vivek Lallsaid earlier this year in his pitch, adding that the company was ready to equip the jets with the same target tracking device currently on the F-35, as well as a helmet-mounted tracking system and a new radio data link system. Swedish defense giant Saab Group is also in the running for the fighter deal, and has announced it is ready to do a “full” technology transfer of its Gripen-E fighter jet production to India if it wins the competition. Boeing, in conjunction with Indian manufacturer Tata has already moved part of its Apache helicopter fuselage manufacturing to India, and the factory will eventually be the sole supplier of the part for Boeing's worldwide sales. The promise was one of the keys to the company winning the $3.1 billion deal in 2015 for 22 Apache and 15 Chinook helicopters. While the deal for the fighter planes shakes out over the coming months, the competition is merely one part of a larger American push, which included a recent visit by the Pentagon's top weapons buyer, Ellen Lord, and the upcoming “two-plus-two” meeting between defense minister Nirmala Sitharaman, Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj and their American counterparts, James Mattis and Mike Pompeo. And in a jab at the Russians, Indian officials announced this week that they would be replacing their Russian-made Pechora air defense systems around the capital in a $1 billion deal to buy the NASAMS-II, manufactured by Kongsberg and Raytheon. https://breakingdefense.com/2018/07/despite-trumps-rhetoric-u-s-defense-firms-pitch-moving-jobs-to-india/