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January 28, 2019 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security, Other Defence

Le Brexit déjà en marche dans la politique européenne de défense

(B2 – exclusif) Peu importe les émois à Westminster et les tourments de Downing Street, ou la conduite sans ceinture du Prince Philippe, dans le domaine des opérations de stabilisation menées par l'Union européenne (au titre de la PSDC), le départ des Britanniques est désormais bien engagé et devrait se terminer bientôt

Un mouvement engagé

Le transfert du QG de l'opération anti-piraterie

Première concernée, la plus emblématique, l'opération anti-piraterie de l'UE (alias EUNAVFOR Atalanta) va déménager de Northwood (près de Londres) à la Rota et à Brest, le commandant britannique cédant sa place au commandant espagnol avec un second français. Le QG de La Rota est en pleine préparation, le QG secondaire de Brest — qui accueille la liaison avec la marine marchande — également. Les officiers ont commencé à rejoindre leur poste. Le « tuilage » est en cours, selon nos informations (lire : La revanche de Trafalgar).

Le changement de commandement en Bosnie-Herzégovine

Deuxième concernée, l'opération EUFOR Althea en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Plus discrète, après avoir été l'opération phare (de l'OTAN sous le nom IFOR) et de l'Union européenne, elle ne rassemble plus aujourd'hui que 600 hommes maximum. Elle n'en est pas moins importante, car un « poste d'observation » important de ce qui se passe dans les Balkans, notamment en matière de retour des combattants étrangers. Un Français va prendre la tête de l'opération, à partir du QG de l'OTAN à Mons (le SHAPE). Un petit noyau de Français est aussi prévu à Sarajevo au sein de l'état-major de la force (lire : Le retour de la France dans l'opération de l'UE en Bosnie-Herzégovine).

L'abandon d'un poste de numéro 2 en Somalie

Enfin, au sein de la mission civile EUCAP Somalia chargée d'assurer le conseil et la formation des Somaliens pour la sécurité maritime, le poste de numéro 2 assuré par un Britannique est en voie de changer de main, selon nos informations. Les Britanniques ne pouvant assurer de poste de commandement des opérations européennes.

Le retrait du planning des battlegroups

De même, en matière de force de réaction rapide de l'UE, les Britanniques se sont retirés du tour d'astreinte des battlegroups (lire : La prise d'astreinte française au battlegroup 2019 se prépare).

Du personnel détaché au titre d'un pays tiers

Des Britanniques resteront dans quelques unes de ces missions et opérations qu'ils estiment ‘stratégiques', en particulier celles déployées en Somalie et dans l'Océan indien. Mais en tant que pays tiers, dès que le Brexit sera consommé. Un officier britannique de la marine marchande devrait ainsi être positionné à Brest, chargé d'assurer le lien (précieux) avec toutes les structures britanniques de la marine marchande. Et dans la mission EUCAP Somalia, Londres entend détacher un de ses officiers pour occuper le poste de chef des opérations.

Une transition en douceur

Dans toutes ces opérations et missions, le départ des Britanniques est désormais non seulement acté, mais leur remplacement est assuré, sans difficulté. Il est difficile désormais, voire quasi impossible, de faire machine arrière. Les Britanniques ont perdu leur tour.

Difficile de faire machine arrière

Si le Brexit devait être repoussé, il ne changera pas les changements opérés dans les commandements : la relève est déjà en place. Les Britanniques qui occupaient ces positions ont déjà (ou vont) retrouver d'autres fonctions dans l'armée britannique, l'OTAN ou d'autres opérations multinationales. Et dans les générations de force actuelles, ce serait un pari insensé pour les planificateurs britanniques de miser sur une possible annulation ou prolongation longue du Brexit pour faire de nouvelles offres de participation importante.

Quelques leçons du départ

A cette transition en douceur, si en douceur qu'elle passe inaperçue, on peut tirer d'ores-et-déjà quelques leçons. Premièrement, contrairement à ce qu'avaient affirmé certains dignitaires britanniques, assis confortablement dans leurs sièges en cuir dans des ministères londoniens, et quelques observateurs, peu au fait du fonctionnement réel de l'Union européenne, l'apport britannique dans les missions et opérations de l'Europe de la défense reste modeste. Il peut être facilement compensé, avec juste un peu de bonne volonté de quelques pays membres. Deuxièmement, le départ britannique consacre en fait le retour français dans des opérations et missions qu'ils avaient, ces dernières années, un peu délaissées. Au final, il reste tout de même un pincement au cœur. Les officiers de sa Royale Majesté, croisés durant ces années, m'ont toujours fait bonne impression, avec ce mélange de courtoisie, de rudesse, d'ironie et d'enthousiasme qui fait le charme et l'efficacité de l'armée outre-Manche. Dommage...

(Nicolas Gros-Verheyde)

https://www.bruxelles2.eu/2019/01/28/le-brexit-deja-en-marche-pour-la-defense/

On the same subject

  • Stop China’s predatory investments before the US becomes its next victim

    April 20, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    Stop China’s predatory investments before the US becomes its next victim

    By: Jeffery A. Green An ancient Chinese stratagem instructs military leaders: “Chen huo da jie,” or “loot a house when it's on fire.” The tactic is simple and self-explanatory — strike when your enemy is most vulnerable. As America's people and industries reel from the impact of a global pandemic, the United States must take immediate action to protect our economic interests from being looted by a uniquely opportunistic adversary. Many U.S. companies have been substantially weakened in both market cap and revenue by the COVID-19 pandemic. With countless companies struggling to survive this crisis, the U.S. should institute a temporary but immediate and total ban on the sale of any U.S. company deemed “critical infrastructure,” whose value has been materially impacted by the pandemic, to a Chinese-owned or controlled entity. Until the president certifies that the economy has fully recovered from the effects of COVID-19, this ban should remain in effect. This crisis necessitates action far beyond the existing review process of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. China's aggressive weaponization of its economy is no secret. Whether through currency manipulation or the withholding of critical materials, such as rare earth minerals, from the global supply chain, China has a reputation for using its economy in a targeted manner to further its ambitious global plans. Be it overtly or obliquely, through direct ownership or by de facto monopoly, China has encroached on or outright assaulted nearly every meaningful sector of the U.S. economy. There is ample evidence of China's exploitation and deception related to COVID-19. Credible reports are emerging that Beijing has taken donations of personal protective equipment and sold them to Italy and possibly other foreign countries. Further, the dubiously low official infection and death figures released by China are being juxtaposed with higher U.S. infection and death rates to enhance the narrative that China is the more competent nation and should therefore be regarded as the preeminent global leader. But China's infiltration and manipulation of the American economy and psyche began well before the COVID-19 crisis. From a national security perspective, Chinese companies have taken ownership of U.S. companies critical to the strategic supply chain, such as cutting-edge battery technologies and microelectronics. The U.S. is entirely dependent on China for segments of the supply of rare earth minerals, which are necessary for everything from cellphones to critical weapon systems. In 2013, a Chinese company purchased Smithfield Foods, simultaneously making the company the owner of both the largest pork producer globally and more than $500 million of American farmland. Beyond industries like defense and agriculture that form America's economic and national security backbone, China has opened new fronts to project soft power as well. The Chinese conglomerate Tencent began a 2015 push, as Tencent Pictures, into Hollywood with significant investments in major U.S. films, including quintessentially American films, such as “Wonder Woman” and “Top Gun: Maverick.” The Cold War era was rife with films juxtaposing an American hero and a Soviet enemy. With Chinese investment in the U.S. film industry and the growing importance of the Chinese market for these films, it's no coincidence there is a dearth of communist Chinese government villains in today's entertainment market. In 2004, China launched the Confucius Institute program, with the stated goal of promoting Chinese culture and language overseas. With mounting concerns about the spread of Chinese Communist Party propaganda through these institutes, as well as fears of possible espionage originating from them, universities across the world began canceling their affiliations. To date, more than two dozen U.S. universities have cut ties with these programs. While America seeks to recover from the economic impacts of this pandemic, Congress and the administration must take swift action to ensure China is not afforded any opportunity to enhance its economic foothold in the U.S. As distressed companies desperately look for funding and investment, the U.S. needs to send a message that financial exploitation by China will not be tolerated, especially if it involves companies working in industries critical to national security and our broader industrial base. As part of this infiltration of our business community, defense enterprise and culture, China will likely hire an army of lobbyists and lawyers to oppose this proposal. This, too, should be prohibited for the length of the economic crisis in the U.S. For millennia, Chinese dynasties have employed the tactic of looting a burning house as they vanquished enemies all around them. America must act before we become China's latest victim. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/04/17/stop-chinas-predatory-investments-before-the-us-becomes-its-next-victim/

  • These are the five areas where the Air Force wants to see an explosion of technology

    May 2, 2019 | International, Aerospace, C4ISR

    These are the five areas where the Air Force wants to see an explosion of technology

    By: Valerie Insinna WASHINGTON — The Air Force has a new science and technology strategy, and it's built around the idea that the service needs to generate leap-ahead capabilities like the 1950s-era Century Series that spawned six new fighter jets in five years. To do that, the service wants to restructure about 20 percent of its S&T efforts into “vanguard programs” that will tie together different developmental efforts across the Air Force's research institutions and experiment with them to see whether it shows promise. “If you're playing hockey, you shouldn't be shooting where the goalie is. You should be shooting where the goalie isn't,” Air Force Secretary Heather Wilson said Wednesday. “So the idea with part of this strategy is to assess where our adversaries can't easily go and get there first and fastest. That's a winning strategy.” Among the new strategy's biggest changes is the addition of a new position, the Air Force's chief technology officer, who will be charged with coordinating efforts across the S&T enterprise and making strategic decisions about the direction of the service's development efforts, to include the vanguard programs. This yet-to-be-named official will work directly with the Air Force Warfighting Integration Capability team, which is defining future concepts of operation and helping the service understand what technologies it needs to meet advanced threats. Wilson wasn't sure exactly when the CTO will be named, but she's already signed a memorandum that makes Will Roper, the service's acquisition executive, responsible for hiring a “design agent” that will figure out how to best structure the CTO office within the Air Force and help select the new official. “One of the things that this design agent will do is start to look in at acquisition, how will we change both possibly the organizational reporting lines for research, but [also] how will we manage that and change that over time,” she said. “This is not something where we're going to flip a switch today, but it does mean over time we're going to change the way we manage our research dollars.” Still unknown is whether the new strategy will impact the size or makeup of the S&T budget, which runs about $2.8 billion per year. The Air Force also hasn't identified any potential vanguard programs yet, officials said. “For some things, if it's smaller, that could be really quick” and result in an experimentation program similar to the light attack program, said Lt Gen. Arnold Bunch, the service's top uniformed acquisition official. “Or it could be a big project that we align a lot of dollars to” so that it can transition quickly to a program of record. The service also wants to use vanguard programs to fuse together emerging technologies in their early stages of development, which are usually developed in a more stovepiped manner, said Air Force Chief Scientist Richard Joseph. “If it doesn't work well, then we know at a very early stage the kinds of things we have to work on and change,” he said. “This is probably a less expensive vanguard, but it's one that's really vital and important.” Although no specific vanguard projects have been announced, the S&T strategy identifies five technology areas where it wants to see “transformational” growth: Complexity, Unpredictability and Mass The military has talked for years about the need for swarms of autonomous drones and space systems that can be purchased on the cheap, and the Air Force continues to see a need for such assets in the future to augment their legacy fleet of exquisite platforms. “Progress will rely heavily on a wide range of robotics and autonomy technologies, along with sensors and wireless communications,” the strategy states. “The growing autonomous vehicle market provides an industrial and applied research base that the Air Force can leverage, but military research is needed well beyond what can be expected from the commercial sector.” Speed and Reach of Disruption and Lethality The Air Force needs a more diverse inventory of weapons that are faster and have longer endurance. Although hypersonic weapons — and enabling technologies like scramjet propulsion and high-temperature materials — might be the most visible program for such investment, the S&T strategy notes several others such as low-cost cruise missiles and guided munitions. Microwave and laser-directed energy weapons hold potential for decreasing the cost of shooting down a target. The service also sees promise in “advanced penetrating kinetic weapons combined with new effects from the electromagnetic spectrum and the space and cyberspace domains to create new offensive and defensive options.” Global Persistent Awareness The platforms the Air Force uses for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance — everything from the U-2 spyplane to its missile warning satellites to the cameras on an MQ-9 Reaper — have given the service unparalleled access to information. But those assets are too expensive, can't stay long enough on station, and lack the survivability needed to stand up against more advanced threats. Further, it takes far too long to process the information from these legacy systems, and too much manpower is needed to turn that data into actionable intelligence. The strategy posits a move toward distributed, low-cost sensors where information can be fused together to “provide resilience through numbers and redundancy and complement more exquisite sensors on standoff platforms.” Small satellites and low cost launch can help enable this architecture, as can “edge computing” that “autonomously analyzes sensor data at the source” and reduces the burden on legacy communications nodes. The strategy also recommends investment in new sensing technologies — such as laser and multistatic radar, hyperspectral sensing and quantum field sensing—as well as the microelectronics, photonics and other materials that are used to build sensors. Resilient Information Sharing The Air Force relies on its battle networks in order for fighter jets to get accurate targeting information, to share intelligence across platforms, and to conduct close air support of troops on the ground. But despite huge advances in commercial communications technologies, the Air Force “cannot rely” on the private sector for information sharing capabilities that are able to resist electronic attacks, cyberattacks and GPS jamming. “The military's demands on these capabilities exceed the limits of current wireless network technology, even under favorable circumstances,” the S&T strategy reads. “In future conflicts, the challenge will be far beyond any of those encountered in the commercial sector.” As such, the Air Force will need to field more flexible and survivable battle networks that can autonomously reconfigure itself when threatened. The service sees promise in areas such as software-defined systems, more resilient satellites, encryption and alternate position, navigation and timing systems. Rapid, Effective Decision Making Air Force Chef of Staff Gen. Dave Goldfein has spoken at length about the need for the Air Force to move the right information to users more quickly. To do that, the serviced will need to continue investments in areas such as artificial intelligence, predictive data analytics, data fusion and visualization, and autonomous electronic warfare and cyber. “Automation is especially important in electronic and cyberwarfare where contests occur at far-beyond-human speeds,” the strategy states. “Where possible, automation can assist electronic warfare, cybersystems, and other means to hinder the adversary's decision-making by introducing uncertainty.” https://www.defensenews.com/industry/techwatch/2019/04/17/these-are-the-five-areas-where-the-air-force-wants-to-see-an-explosion-of-technology

  • Aerojet Rocketdyne to Provide ULA's Vulcan Centaur Key Propulsion for Next Generation of Air Force LSP

    August 11, 2020 | International, Aerospace

    Aerojet Rocketdyne to Provide ULA's Vulcan Centaur Key Propulsion for Next Generation of Air Force LSP

    The U.S. Air Force selected United Launch Alliance (ULA) as one of two launch service providers under the National Security Space Launch Phase 2 Launch Services Procurement (LSP). Aerojet Rocketdyne will provide two RL10 rocket engines to power the upper stage of ULA's Vulcan Centaur launch vehicle, as well as the thrusters that control the stage while in flight and the composite overwrapped pressure vessels that store gases required for operation of the launch vehicle. “Aerojet Rocketdyne congratulates ULA on its selection and we look forward to providing our highly reliable RL10 engine on the Vulcan,” said Eileen P. Drake, Aerojet Rocketdyne CEO and president. “Aerojet Rocketdyne has supported the nation's most important national security space missions for decades. We will now bring the RL10 engine's tremendous record of mission success to support the next generation of American National Security Space Launch missions. Under the LSP contract, ULA will support approximately 60% of missions starting in 2022 and continuing through the next five years. The RL10 engine's outstanding performance and reliability has made it the upper-stage engine of choice for the nation. Built in West Palm Beach, Florida, the RL10 engine is currently used to power the upper stages of ULA's Delta IV and Atlas V rockets, and has supported earlier versions of those vehicles dating back to the early 1960s. The flight-proven RL10 engine provided the upper-stage propulsion to place hundreds of military, civil and commercial satellites into orbit and has sent spacecraft on their journeys to explore every planet in our solar system. The RL10 engine has been continuously upgraded throughout its service life with recent efforts focused on incorporating additive manufacturing to enhance affordability while maintaining its unequaled performance. “With 500 engines flown in space, the RL10 has an unmatched reputation worldwide,” added Drake. “We look forward to continuing our strong partnership with ULA as we provide an advanced RL10 engine for Vulcan.” Source: United Launch Alliance Date: Aug 8, 2020 https://www.asdnews.com/news/aerospace/2020/08/08/aerojet-rocketdyne-provide-ulas-vulcan-centaur-key-propulsion-next-generation-air-force-lsp

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