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November 2, 2018 | Local, Naval

Canada's Halifax-class frigates: Ready for duty, now and in the future

GATINEAU, QC, Nov. 1, 2018 /CNW/ - Through the National Shipbuilding Strategy (NSS), the Government of Canada is providing the women and men of the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) with safe and effective vessels required to protect Canadians and Canadian interests.

Public Services and Procurement Canada, on behalf of National Defence, has issued Advance Contract Award Notices (ACANs) to Irving Shipbuilding Inc., of Halifax, Nova Scotia, Chantier Davie Canada Inc., of Lévis, Quebec, and Seaspan Victoria Shipyards, of Victoria, British Columbia, for maintenance support services for Canada's 12 Halifax-class frigates. The combined value of the three contracts will be approximately $7 billion (including taxes).

These contracts will be awarded under the repair, refit and maintenance component of the NSS and will ensure that maintenance and engineering work continue on the 12 Halifax-class frigates until the replacement Canadian Surface Combatant ships are delivered.

These notices follow extensive industry engagement, which began in December 2016. Based on these consultations, it was determined that these three Canadian shipyards possess the required workforce and infrastructure necessary to conduct the work on the Halifax-class frigates.

The ACANs confirm Canada's intention to enter into a contract with each of the three identified Canadian shipyards. Other interested suppliers have 15 calendar days to signal their interest in bidding for this contract, by submitting a "statement of capabilities" that meets the requirements laid out in the ACANs.

Quotes

"Through the National Shipbuilding Strategy, the process of renewing fleets for the Royal Canadian Navy over the next 30 years is underway across the country. Our Government's long-term commitment to maintaining an agile and responsive naval force will provide the Royal Canadian Navy and its sailors with the reliable ships they need to do their jobs while protecting the interests of all Canadians."

The Honourable Carla Qualtrough
Minister of Public Services and Procurement and Accessibility

"As outlined in our defence policy, Strong, Secure, Engaged, we are ensuring that the women and men of our Royal Canadian Navy are equipped with the ships they need to serve Canadians. Our Government is taking measures to ensure that our modernized Halifax-class frigates are able to continue to protect Canadian waters and contribute significantly to international operations. These contracts will ensure that our frigates remain operationally ready while increasing the number of jobs and strengthening the ship maintenance capacity in Canada as outlined in our National Shipbuilding Strategy."

The Honourable Harjit S. Sajjan
Minister of National Defence

Quick facts

  • The Industrial and Technological Benefits Policy, including Value Proposition, will be applied to this procurement.
  • Periodic docking maintenance work periods are essential to ensure the Halifax-class frigates are available and reliable during their operational cycle and deployments.
  • The RCN has 12 Halifax-class frigates; seven are stationed in Halifax, Nova Scotia, while the five are stationed in Esquimalt, British Columbia.
  • The RCN requires that at least eight of 12 frigates are able to deploy at all times to meet the Navy's commitment to the Government of Canada.
  • The ships require a wide range of engineering change work, equipment installations, docking work and corrective maintenance activities to ensure that they remain operationally available and relevant through to end of life.

SOURCE Public Services and Procurement Canada

https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/canadas-halifax-class-frigates-ready-for-duty-now-and-in-the-future-699259681.html

On the same subject

  • Royal New Zealand Air Force (RNZAF) signs contract for CAE 700MR Series NH90 FTD

    August 10, 2018 | Local, Aerospace

    Royal New Zealand Air Force (RNZAF) signs contract for CAE 700MR Series NH90 FTD

    CAE today announced it has been awarded a contract from the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) to provide the Royal New Zealand Air Force (RNZAF) with a CAE 700MR Series NH90 flight training device (FTD). The contract also includes the provision of long-term maintenance and support services upon delivery of the simulator to RNZAF Base Ohakea in 2020. The contract for the CAE 700MR Series NH90 FTD and through-life support services, including options, is valued at more than C$50 million. CAE recently launched the new CAE 700 Mission Reality (MR) Series FTD at the Farnborough Airshow. The CAE 700MR is designed specifically for military helicopter flight and mission training. “Increased use of New Zealand-based simulators is the best way to train and sustain the number of pilots in the fleet,” says New Zealand Minister for Defence Ron Mark. “The availability of in-country simulator-based flight training will reduce the need to use NH90s for training flights, ensuring the helicopters are available for more operational tasking.” The CAE 700MR Series FTD offers an immersive and realistic training environment in a fixed-based platform that includes a dynamic seat for vibration and motion cueing. The RNZAF NH90 simulator will feature the CAE Medallion-6000XR image generator and an extreme field-of-view visual display system (240 degrees horizontal by 88 degrees vertical) ideal for practicing and rehearsing high-risk maneuvers such as ship deck and confined area landings. “We are pleased the New Zealand Defence Force has once again placed its trust and confidence in CAE to deliver a high-fidelity training system and comprehensive training support services that will contribute to the mission readiness of the Royal New Zealand Air Force's NH90 helicopter aircrews,” said Ian Bell, CAE's Vice President and General Manager, Asia-Pacific/Middle East. CAE currently provides the NZDF with training support services on a range of platforms, including the T-6C ground-based training systems at RNZAF Base Ohakea and the SH-2G(I) helicopter training systems located at RNZAF Base Auckland. https://www.cae.com/news-events/press-releases/royal-new-zealand-air-force-rnzaf-signs-contract-for-cae-700mr-series-nh90-ftd/

  • Mattis resignation not likely to damage Canada-U.S. security ties: experts

    December 24, 2018 | Local, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    Mattis resignation not likely to damage Canada-U.S. security ties: experts

    THE CANADIAN PRESS OTTAWA — U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis' decision to resign creates a void for Canada, says former Defence Minister Peter MacKay, because of Mattis's deep understanding of Canada's role in joint NATO and UN missions and good ties with Canadian security officials. His years of experience in the U.S. military and on-the-ground understanding of the parts of the world where he served as a Marine general, particularly in Iraq and Afghanistan, are “virtually irreplaceable,” MacKay said. After serving for two years at the top of the U.S. military machine, Mattis announced Thursday that he'd resign as of the end of February, in a move widely seen as a rebuke of Trump's decision to abrupt withdraw U.S. troops from Syria. The retired general has been considered a moderating influence on Trump over his last two years as Pentagon chief, which is why concerns have been raised by ally nations about how his departure could affect U.S. security and foreign policy. These concerns are particularly focused on America's role in the NATO transatlantic alliance after Trump said this week that not only will the U.S. military pull out of Syria, but the number of U.S. troops will also be cut in half in Afghanistan, where the U.S. is part of the NATO-led joint mission Operation Resolute Support. “In spite of the moniker ‘Mad Dog Mattis' he was anything but. He was a highly intelligent, highly rational guy and he saw first-hand the integration of defence, diplomacy, development that Canada was doing and was very full of praise and admiration for that,” MacKay said. Mattis's departure is even more keenly felt in light of the departures of H.R. McMaster and John Kelly, who U.S. President Donald Trump also appointed to serve in his administration, MacKay added. McMaster was an army general who was Trump's national-security adviser for a year; Kelly is a retired Marine general who served as secretary of homeland security and then Trump's chief of staff. McMaster resigned last April; Kelly is to leave the White House at the end of this year. “Jim Mattis and the others have and feel an abiding respect for Canada and our role in NATO and in NORAD, for our niche capabilities, what we were able to do along with others in the coalition, both the UN and NATO coalition in Afghanistan, our support role in other missions,” MacKay said. “That, too, is in some jeopardy depending on who replaces Gen. Mattis.” But in spite of ongoing political tensions at the top, Canada's defence and security relationship with the U.S. is hardwired at the bureaucratic and institutional levels and has not materially changed with the election of Donald Trump, said Fen Hampson, director of the global security and politics program at the Centre for International Governance Innovation. Mattis' resignation will not alter those ties, he said. “There's a constant flow of exchanges and communication on, I would say, almost an hourly basis. That's not really going to change in substantive terms,” Hampson said. “I think where it's going to be probably felt most keenly is at the cabinet-to-cabinet level where our officials have met with Mattis and (Secretary of State Mike) Pompeo on a pretty regular basis and that's where the hole is going to be felt.” Dave Perry, a senior defence analyst with the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, echoed this, saying he has heard of little change on the ground when it comes to the day-to-day bilateral work and partnerships between Canadian and American officials. “It's a relationship that's pretty embedded at the working level in institutional agreements, exchanges, all the Canadians that work directly within the U.S. defence structure in the United States — so I think the degree of change has probably been overstated with this administration,” he said. “A lot of things on the defence front have continued to work quite well quietly and will likely do so in the future.” While many analysts agree that Canada should be concerned about losing an ally in the Trump administration like Mattis, who acted as a stabilizer at the highest levels, this concern could be eased depending on whom Trump nominates as his replacement. “The void now, within the defence and security world, will hopefully be filled with someone of his ilk and his acumen,” MacKay said of Mattis. “Hope burns eternal. I remain very optimistic about the resilience of the Canada-U.S. relationship. It'll survive this administration, but boy, there's a lot of damage being done.” https://leaderpost.com/pmn/news-pmn/canada-news-pmn/mattis-resignation-not-likely-to-damage-canada-u-s-security-ties-experts/wcm/bead703a-ee27-44e6-8fca-31f19603259f

  • Canadian defense minister talks fighter competition and geopolitics

    December 1, 2020 | Local, Aerospace

    Canadian defense minister talks fighter competition and geopolitics

    By: Aaron Mehta; DefenseNews.com 20 November 2020 WASHINGTON — When the Trudeau government took office in 2015, one of the first appointments was tapping Harjit Sajjan, a combat veteran who served in Afghanistan, as Canada's minister of national defense. Sajjan is now one of the lonest-serving ministers of defense in Canadian history. After an appearance at the Halifax International Security Forum, Sajjan talked with Defense News about the country's long-awaited fighter jet procurement, as well as the nation's future on the world stage. The interview has been edited for clarity and length. Regarding the fighter competition, the plan is to either downselect to two jets in 2021, or make a final decision in 2022. Where does that decision stand? How has the coronavirus pandemic impacted the timing and size of the program? I'm very happy with the progress of the selection for our next fighter. And it's gone to a very good stage where we actually have three companies. I don't know exactly — because the team there that does the analysis is independent — which direction they'll go, of downselecting or how that's going to happen. So we'll see how the progress moves ahead. I can turn to your direct question regarding COVID-19. We initially, obviously, just like anybody, had some minor delays because we had to shift a lot of the resources to the pandemic fight. But we were able to shift our people back into dealing with our procurement very quickly because, as you know, defense is an essential service, and making sure that those jobs continue was very important to us. So the delays were actually very minor. And all the updates that I've reviewed so far [shows] that things are actually progressing extremely well. So you don't see any delays for that program likely coming as a result of COVID-19 or anything else? Right now I'm confident that we'll be able to make up any time because the shift that we made. [We have some] very good people [who] are running these very large projects, so we needed to shift some of that talent to the COVID-19 fight initially, for good reason. But in a few months, we were able to shift those people back to this program. Canada's defense budget is set to significantly increase in the coming years based on the 2017 defense policy agreement. You've recently said this will still happen, but some experts said that given the economic impact of the last year and given post-pandemic priorities, the defense budget might end up either changing or taking a cut. How confident are you that the targets that have been set are going to be hit, budget wise? First of all, the security challenges that we face around the world don't change. And that's an important point for everybody to take note of, and it's something that we took note when we conducted our defense policy review. This is one of the reasons why, when we put this defense policy together, we wanted to have a thorough cost analysis done early on based on the capabilities that we felt that we needed, not only for the defense of Canada but to be good partners as part of this financial command at North American Aerospace Defense Command or the Five Eyes [intelligence-sharing alliance] and the work that we do at NATO. So we made a decision to fund the defense policy for the duration, which is 20 years. So there was a government-level decision to do this, to carve it out of the fiscal framework, and that should give assurance to people how seriously we took this from the beginning. We looked at any type of financial challenges that a nation might go through, but we also knew that we needed to maintain the defense funding because, as you know, in the past, defense policies have been put out, but the money has not been included, and they had to be agreed upon every single year. Based on that experience, I can understand some of the concerns that some of these experts actually have, but this is something that we looked at right from the beginning, and the reason why we made a government-level decision to fund the defense policy for the 20 years. So it can't be just a very quick decision to change the defense budget. But more importantly, one of the things — probably one of the most important things that we need to take a look at, especially as we deal with COVID-19 — is the economic downturn, [is that] the defense industry adds a significant amount of well-paying jobs. So it's very important to keep these investments moving because this is about maintaining well-paying jobs across the country and supply chain that we have, connected with our allies, especially with the U.S. You mentioned global challenges. Something that recently emerged is this idea of the “Quad” between India, Japan, the United States and Australia. Do you see Canada having a role in that, and would you want to join? I can see what that initiative — what it was trying to achieve. But let's keep in mind: We already had some good mechanisms where we were working with — so for example, with the United Nations Security Council resolutions on sanctions monitoring in North Korea, that was where nations came together from all the nations that participated in the Korean conflict, Korean War early on, where we decided to up our support for [monitoring.] We created Operation NEON in Canada to provide the direct support. In fact, one of our frigates just completed their work with monitoring, and we have a surveillance aircraft still in the region conducting that work. So the work that the Quad does — I think it's extremely important. I think we need to have a much wider conversation of not just looking at the Quad, but we need to look at how allies are going to come together to look at how do we support places like the Asia-Pacific region and our Association of Southeast Asian Nations partners in the Indo-Pacific region. So I think it's a good effort, but I think we need to look at even more thorough analysis and look at what are the things that nations can contribute. There's also talk about whether to expand Five Eyes, perhaps by formally including Japan. Is the idea of a formal Five Eyes expansion something you support? First of all, Five Eyes is probably one of the most trusted agreements that we have. It's not just: “You sign an agreement, and you're part of a trusted group.” There are some very strict measures that every nation needs to take in terms of the security architecture that's needed inside your country, how we communicate — that provides a framework. That framework also includes a set of laws about governance, as well. But it does not preclude us from working with other partners, and [partners] having greater cooperation with the Five Eyes. And if ever down the road there's an opportunity, I think that's something that's to be kept on the table. But I think Five Eyes allows us to be able to work with likeminded partners, like Japan, and we're already doing some great work as it is. We'll see where the discussion goes. It seems like you're saying you're happy to work with other nations, and already do that, but that Five Eyes requires such a strict legal measure that a formal expansion might not make sense. What I'm going to say here is that there's a lot of good work already being done. When you have an expansion, that alone would require a significant amount of effort toward that. But I think right now we need to take a look at how do we use our current mechanisms to create the effects we need. Because there is a concern right now, and we need to support our ASEAN partners in the Pacific. And so it's better to look at mechanisms that we have in place and work toward a larger relationship. You've made pointed comments about China and the challenge from Beijing. Where's the greatest challenge from China for Canada? The Arctic? The Pacific? Is it economic? It's not just one thing, or pick one over another. I would say overall, the unpredictable nature that China has created, that when you go outside the international rules-based order — that was set up for good reason after the Second World War, of creating predictability — it's the unpredictability that China has created that's giving us significant concerns. So everything from freedom of navigation to how finances are used in countries to bring in influence. About the most important, the biggest one for us, is when they have a disagreement [they will] arbitrarily detain citizens. So we have two citizens who are detained. Australia just, I believe, had an incident very similar to ours. These are some of the things that cause nations around the world to take a [concerned] look. So I wouldn't say it's just one. The Arctic, I'll be honest with you, it will always be a concern for Canada because our sovereignty is extremely important to us. We want to work within partnerships under international laws. We want to do this, but a pattern that's created in other areas has caused concern for us in Canada. There's a debate among foreign policy experts over whether Canada has been too passive. Does Canada need to take a more robust foreign and national security policy stance, or are you comfortable with where it is now? I would say our stance has been misunderstood, then. If you look at the last five years alone, when we formed the government and I became defense minister, we didn't have a consistent engagement in the Pacific. Now we do. We're officially part of Operation NEON, conducting sanctions monitoring; we obviously, because of COVID-19, weren't able to do this, but we've had ships in the Pacific conducting visits, doing exercises as well, or being part of Exercise RIMPAC. And also increasing our whole-of-government approach. We put a battlegroup into Latvia that we lead, [forces] in Ukraine, we actually increased our role there, increased our footprint with the coalition to fight ISIS [the Islamic State group]. And the list goes on. We've actually commanded the NATO training mission in Iraq for the last two years. So when you look at what we do, it is quite significant. But I think in terms of — you can look at it as passive or active. We have to take a look at what does each nation bring to the table. And I remember having a conversation with [U.S. Defense Secretary Jim] Mattis about this. It's about utilizing the skill set of your closest allies and how you work together in creating effects for our diplomats. And that's exactly what Canada has been doing: being a credible partner to convene conversations to be able to move toward peaceful resolutions to disagreements. I wouldn't say that we've actually had to step back in any way. In fact, if you look at the record of what we've actually done, not only we've talked about increasing our spending, we've actually increased our capabilities and contributions at the same time. Aaron Mehta is Deputy Editor and Senior Pentagon Correspondent for Defense News, covering policy, strategy and acquisition at the highest levels of the Department of Defense and its international partners. https://www.defensenews.com/global/the-americas/2020/11/30/canadian-defense-minister-talks-fighter-competition-and-geopolitics/

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