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December 13, 2021 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

Australia, South Korea sign $717m defence deal

Signing of historic defence contract took place during South Korean President Moon Jae-in’s visit to Canberra.

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/12/13/australia-south-korea-sign-680m-defense-deal

On the same subject

  • The European Union’s defense ambitions are still showing signs of life

    June 1, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    The European Union’s defense ambitions are still showing signs of life

    By: Sebastian Sprenger COLOGNE, Germany — A new budget proposal for the European Union shows that the bloc's defense plans are back on the table as the continent pushes to revive its economy following the coronavirus crisis. Two flagship programs to that end — the European Defence Fund and the Military Mobility initiative — are set to receive €8 billion (U.S. $9 billion) and €1.5 billion (U.S. $1.7 billion), respectively, in the seven-year plan beginning in 2021, according to a proposal unveiled this week by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Those figures are lower than the initial proposal of €13 billion and €6.5 billion for the two budget lines. But they represent an uptick compared with recent negotiation positions that envisioned defense-related spending slashed even more. Defense spending remains an unbeloved subject in many European countries, and it is notable that there is no dedicated political narrative around building military prowess in the context of the bloc's recovery plan, dubbed Next Generation EU during a May 27 speech by von der Leyen. Still, the fact that the European Defence Fund — designed to foster intra-continental defense cooperation — remains in the mix is in itself a statement, according to analysts. Defense-spending advocates in Europe believe a robust military can strengthen the EU's hand in trying to assert its role on the world stage with other players like China and Russia. The new proposal of €8 billion for the European Defence Fund may not seem like much, given the high, upfront costs for multinational military equipment projects, said Sophia Besch, a senior research fellow at the Center for European Reform. “But it's a win for the [European] Commission in the current political context,” she added. “COVID-19 has shifted the priorities, and even before the crisis there were signs that defense was losing ground in the traditional budget battles,” Besch said. Given that, the new proposal is “better than nothing,” she argued. At the same time, the de facto reduction would make it harder to prove for the commission that the intended effects can be achieved with the amount envisioned, Besch predicted. Funding through the European Defence Fund and its associated channels ensures that certain projects in many member states can happen at all, said Yvonni-Stefania Efstathiou, an Athens, Greece-based defense analyst specializing in the emerging European defense-cooperation framework PESCO, or Permanent Structured Cooperation. “Allocations to the EDF have the potential of triggering more defense cooperation, as those funds will be used to finance collaborative research and common capability development projects,” she said. What is still missing, however, is an overarching context of where the EU wants to go with its defense ambitions, she argued. “The impact of these funds will be limited unless there is also progress on the common definition of strategic priorities and military requirements.” The cut to the budget line for military mobility means member states stand to pay more of their own money for updating bridges, roads and rail networks to ensure military equipment can quickly move along the continent in the event of a standoff with Russia. The work is seen as a critical interface between the EU and NATO, and alliance officials previously expressed hope for a funding injection that could speed projects along, especially in Eastern Europe. “Unless we have the full costings of how much bridges and roads will cost, it is hard to evaluate whether the funds are sufficient,” Efstathiou said. “What is easy to predict, however, is the dissatisfaction of the Eastern European states.” https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/05/29/the-european-unions-defense-ambitions-are-still-showing-signs-of-life/

  • Wanted: Virtual reality headsets that aren’t made in China

    December 9, 2019 | International, Aerospace, C4ISR

    Wanted: Virtual reality headsets that aren’t made in China

    By: Valerie Insinna ORLANDO, Fla. — The U.S. Air Force wants to tap into the augmented and virtual reality technologies that are proliferating in the commercial market, but the service has run into a problem: Many have parts from China, limiting their ability to be used by the U.S. military in operational environments. “Can we not have an AR [augmented reality] solution that's made in China? I don't think that's good for us,” Col. Gerard Ryan, chief of the Air Force's operational training infrastructure division, said during a panel discussion Tuesday at the Interservice/Industry, Training, Simulation and Education Conference. “I don't think the security policy is going to pass. And I say that sarcastically, but it's true. If we're going to use a gaming engine, let's make sure it's not made by a foreign country that we don't like,” he added. The Air Force is dipping its toes into using virtual reality through its Pilot Training Next program, which seeks to get airmen through basic pilot training more quickly and cheaply. While the PTN program is currently considered an experiment, with only a handful of airmen participating at any given time, the Air Force has already shown it may be able to shave months off the existing training timeline by supplementing live flights spent in the T-6 trainer with virtual ones using Vive virtual reality headsets and flight simulation software. An unclassified environment like basic pilot training is a perfect place for the Air Force to use the augmented and virtual reality devices currently on the market. But for such products to ever see use by fighter and bomber pilots — or any operator that deals with secure information — the service must be sure that no part of the device is made by China, or any other foreign entity that could insert technology that allows for data collection. The Air Force has begun talking to companies about its concerns, Ryan said. The hope is those firms can examine their supply chains and shift away from buying Chinese components. “I've talked to some people in industry. A smaller company has said they've found a set of goggles that's American-made. I'm like: ‘Great, you're the first person to tell me that. The only one so far, too,' ” Ryan said. Another challenge is connecting commercial devices in a classified environment, where Bluetooth and Wi-Fi use may be restricted. “I've talked to one company that has figured [it] out. They have a system where it's a backpack laptop. So it's a direct connect to the goggles,” Ryan said. “Unfortunately it's more expensive, probably, to do that. It's probably more challenging to find the parts.” When augmented or virtual reality systems can be brought into classified environments, they may not be flexible enough for quick reconfiguration to complement different training scenarios, said Col. David Nyikos, Air Combat Command's deputy director of operations. “AR/VR is super cool,” he said during the panel. “But now you need it to evolve, you need it to reprogram to adapt to whatever mission rehearsal you're coming up with. Maybe tonight you're going to go out with guys from AFSOC [Air Force Special Operations Command] working with some Norwegian SOF [special operations forces], working with some Afghans. You've got to be able to train together to rehearse that. We don't have that right now.” https://www.defensenews.com/digital-show-dailies/itsec/2019/12/06/wanted-virtual-reality-headsets-that-arent-made-in-china

  • Europe de la défense: entre Paris et Berlin, des ambitions et de la méfiance

    May 24, 2019 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security, Other Defence

    Europe de la défense: entre Paris et Berlin, des ambitions et de la méfiance

    Char, avion de combat du futur: Paris et Berlin travaillent sur d'ambitieux projets industriels communs dans la défense, mais les rapports restent teintés de méfiance et marqués par des divergences de vue autour de la question des exportations d'armement. Face au Brexit, au rel'chement des liens transatlantiques sous l'ère Trump, et malgré une mauvaise passe dans la relation franco-allemande, Emmanuel Macron a fait de l'Europe de la défense l'un de ses grands chevaux de bataille, qui figure en bonne place dans le programme des candidats de son camp aux élections européennes de dimanche. Réunis par un même besoin de renouveler leurs capacités militaires à horizon 2035-2040, Français et Allemands ont convenu à l'été 2017 de développer main dans la main deux programmes d'équipements majeurs: le système de combat aérien du futur (SCAF), sous leadership du français Dassault, pour remplacer les Rafale et les Typhoon, et le char de combat du futur ayant vocation à remplacer les Leclerc et les Lepoard, sous leadership allemand. Concernant le SCAF, dont le premier contrat d'architecture a été notifié à Dassault et Airbus en janvier, Paris et Berlin comptent annoncer "cet été" le lancement des études de recherche et développement destinées à jeter les bases des démonstrateurs, pour un montant de 150 millions d'euros sur deux ans, selon des sources concordantes. - pas d'annonce au Bourget? - Il n'est toutefois pas certain que l'annonce soit faite mi-juin au salon aéronautique du Bourget comme initialement prévu, admet Paris. Objectif: développer un démonstrateur d'ici 2026 -- pour un coût estimé entre 2 et 3 milliards d'euros -- avant une entrée en service en 2040 de ce système associant avion de combat, drones, futurs missiles de croisière et drones évoluant en essaim. Pour le char, "les industriels préparent une offre pour l'étude d'architecture à horizon de l'été", indique-t-on de source gouvernementale française. Pour continuer à avancer, reste à venir à bout des inquiétudes et grincements de dents de part et d'autre du Rhin. Parmi les motifs de friction figure le partage des compétences de pointe censées alimenter ces grands programmes communs d'armement. En France, où le groupe Dassault a conduit seul le programme-phare du Rafale, certains ne cachent pas leur méfiance. "Il ne faudrait pas que les Allemands profitent de cette coopération pour chiper notre savoir-faire stratégique", glisse-t-on de source proche du dossier. En Allemagne, des parlementaires de la coalition au pouvoir reprochent au gouvernement d'Angela Merkel d'avoir mal négocié la répartition industrielle du projet SCAF et critiquent les exigences françaises en matière de propriété intellectuelle, affirme jeudi le quotidien allemand Die Welt. "Au regard des enjeux industriels et économiques du projet, j'attends de Mme Merkel et de Mme von der Leyen (ministre allemande de la Défense) qu'elles prennent en main ce dossier et en fassent une priorité, comme l'a fait le président Macron", déclare au journal le responsable défense du parti social-démocrate allemand (SPD), Thomas Hitschler. - ventes d'armes aux Saoudiens - "Des débats sur le partage des technologies, les questions de propriété intellectuelle peuvent exister mais ils sont en train de se résoudre. C'est normal que ça tiraille, derrière il y a des enjeux financiers et de compétences industrielles", relativise-t-on à Paris, où l'on préfère vanter "la rapidité" avec laquelle un projet de cette ampleur s'est mis en route. Autre obstacle à franchir: la question des conditions d'exportation des armements, objet de frictions ouvertes entre Paris et Berlin. Depuis l'assassinat fin 2018 du journaliste saoudien Jamal Khashoggi à Istanbul, le gouvernement allemand a décidé de geler les exports d?armes à destination de l'Arabie Saoudite, client controversé de l'industrie française de défense. Une décision vertement critiquée par Emmanuel Macron, puis par l'ambassadrice de France en Allemagne, qui a déploré fin mars "la politisation croissante du débat allemand sur les exportations d'armements", susceptible selon elle de "faire peser un risque sur la coopération de défense européenne". "On ne peut pas se mettre d'accord sur des projets d'une telle envergure sans trouver une position commune sur les conditions d'exportation", renchérit un haut responsable français. Or le sujet est politiquement ultra-sensible en Allemagne. "L'opinion publique allemande est vent debout contre les exports d'armement. Quel est l'homme politique allemand qui se risquera à aller contre ça?", souligne Gaëlle Winter, chercheuse associée à la Fondation pour la recherche stratégique (FRS). Paris accuse en outre Berlin de pratiquer un double jeu en feignant d'ignorer la livraison d'armement à Ryad par l'industriel allemand Rheinmetall, via ses filiales à l'étranger. "J'entends dans certaines capitales les protestations de vertus offusquées lorsqu'il s'agit d'exportations françaises, mais j'observe que les mêmes responsables ignorent volontiers ce que font les filiales ou les joint ventures de leurs champions nationaux de l'armement", s'est récemment agacée la ministre française des Armées Florence Parly. Sollicité par l'AFP, le ministère allemand de la Défense n'a pas donné suite. https://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/europe-de-la-defense-entre-paris-et-berlin-des-ambitions-et-de-la-mefiance.afp.com.20190523.doc.1gt4y7.xml

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