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January 27, 2020 | International, Land

Army picks 6 to work on autoloader for extended-range cannon

By: Jen Judson

WASHINGTON — The Army has picked six companies to work on concepts and designs for an autoloader for the service's future Extended-Range Cannon Artillery (ERCA) program currently under development, according to a Jan. 24 Army Futures Command statement.

While the first ERCA cannons will be fielded in fiscal 2023, the goal is to begin fielding the system with an autoloader just one year later.

The companies — Actuate (formerly Aegis Systems, Inc.); Apptronik, Inc.; Carnegie Robotics LLC; Pratt & Miller Engineering; Neya Systems, LLC and Hivemapper, Inc. — will work under the Army Capability Accelerator and the Army Applications Laboratory (AAL) as part of the Field Artillery Autonomous Resupply (FAAR) “cohort” and will come up with novel, outside-of-the-box concepts for the autoloader.

AAL is part of AFC, the Army's new four-star command in charge of rapid modernization that will align with the service's new developing doctrine.

The cohort began work on Jan. 13 in Austin, Texas, where the AAL and AFC reside, and will wrap up work with capability presentations on April 2, the statement notes.

“Sourced from across the country, the selected companies represent a range of technologies and expertise all aimed at developing autonomous resupply capabilities,” the statement reads.

Among the companies selected, Actuate specializes in artificial intelligence focusing on computer vision software that turns any security camera into an “intruder- and threat-detecting smart camera," the release states.

Apptronik is a robotics company spun out of the Human Centered Robotics Lab at the University of Texas at Austin.

Pittsburgh-based Carnegie Robotics specializes in robotic sensors and platforms for defense, agriculture, mining, infrastructure and energy applications and was founded out of Carnegie Mellon University's National Robotics Engineering Center.

Pratt & Miller's focus has been on addressing technology challenges in the motorsports, defense and mobility industries.

Neya Systems, also from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, is another robotics company focused on advanced unmanned systems, off-road autonomy and self-driving vehicle technologies.

The AAL has become the face of doing business with the Army in the startup community and has set up shop in the heart of Austin within an innovation incubator hub called the Capital Factory. Anyone can walk through an open garage door and pitch ideas to the Army and the service. But the Army is also going out to companies and trying to convey problems they need solved on the battlefield in the hopes of finding new and novel solutions.

“Designed for small businesses and companies that don't typically work with the federal government, the program connects qualified companies that want to grow a new line of business into the DoD with Army stakeholders who want to speed capability development, transition to a program of record, or de-risk and inform requirements,” according to the statement.

“We've spent the past year working to introduce commercial business models that translate to the Army and can help evolve its approach to capability development,” Porter Orr, product innovation lead at AAL, said. “We're helping nontraditional companies build a new line of business into the government. And that's important, but it's just as important that we're giving Army leaders a choice between writing a large check or doing nothing. This is a way for them to get more insight—more confidence—in a solution before purchasing it. That will mean a higher probability of success in the field.”

Cohort participants receive $150,000 to complete a 12-week program ending in a pitch to the Army.

FAAR is the pilot effort of likely many attempts to bring in non-traditional businesses to help solve some of the Army's problems both big and small.

https://www.defensenews.com/land/2020/01/24/army-picks-6-to-work-on-autoloader-for-extended-range-cannon

On the same subject

  • Pentagon Plans to Cut Procurement, Boost R&D in 2020

    March 20, 2019 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security, Other Defence

    Pentagon Plans to Cut Procurement, Boost R&D in 2020

    By Jon Harper The president's fiscal year 2020 budget request for the Defense Department would reduce procurement of existing systems while increasing research-and-development spending as the Pentagon pursues new technology to take on advanced adversaries. The Trump administration is asking for $718 billion for the Pentagon, including a whopping $164 billion in overseas contingency operations funding, also known as OCO, and $9.2 in “emergency spending” for border wall construction and post-hurricane reconstruction efforts, according to budget documents released March 12. The documents note that $98 billion of the OCO funding is for base budget needs. Putting base money in OCO accounts, which aren't subject to 2011 Budget Control Act caps, is a long standing gimmick that the executive branch and Congress have used in recent years to get around military spending limits. The proposed topline would be see a $33 billion boost relative to what was enacted in fiscal year 2019, a gain of 4.9 percent in nominal terms and 2.8 percent real growth when accounting for inflation. The Army would see the largest budget increase of $12.5 billion. The Air Force and Department of the Navy — which includes the Marine Corps — would see gains of $11.8 billion and $9.9 billion, respectively. Defense-wide accounts would decrease by $930 million. The administration is asking for a total of $750 billion in defense spending, which includes nuclear weapons programs and various projects carried out by the Department of Energy and other agencies. That is $34 billion, nearly five percent, more than was enacted in 2019. Officials said the 2020 budget request reflects a renewed focus on great power competition with adversaries such as Russia and China. “The national defense strategy has made it very clear that to preserve the peace, we must be prepared for the high-end fight against peer competitors,” David Norquist, the Pentagon's acting deputy secretary of defense, told reporters during a briefing at the Pentagon. “Future wars will be waged not just in the air, on the land or at sea, but also in space and cyberspace, dramatically increasing the complexity of warfare. This budget reflects that challenge.” It includes the largest research, development, test and evaluation funding request in 70 years, Norquist noted. “We have increased ... RDT&E and we have decreased procurement to reflect our focus on modernization,” Deputy Undersecretary of Defense (Comptroller) Elaine McCusker said. Under the budget blueprint, RDT&E funding would grow by more than $9 billion to $104.3 billion, nearly a 10 percent boost relative to 2019, according to budget documents. That includes $12.4 billion for the Army, $46.1 billion for the Air Force, $20.4 billion for the Department of the Navy and $25.4 billion for defense-wide projects. Spending on emerging technologies highlighted in the budget documents include: $3.7 billion for “unmanned/autonomous projects to enhance freedom of maneuver and lethality in contested environments;” $927 million in artificial intelligence/machine learning investments for initiatives like the new Joint Artificial Intelligence Center and advanced image recognition; $2.6 billion for hypersonic weapons development; and $235 million for directed energy capabilities to support implementation of directed energy for base defense, enable testing and procurement of multiple types of lasers, and increase R&D for high-power density applications. 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For procurement and RDT&E, space systems — including launch, satellites and support — would receive $11.9 billion, a $2.6 billion jump. About $72 million would resource the initial establishment of a new United States Space Force that President Donald Trump is calling for, according to budget documents. Total spending on the space enterprise would total $14.1 billion, a 15 percent increase relative to 2019, Ierardi said. Aircraft programs would receive $57.7 billion, a $2.5 billion increase compared to 2019. That would including 78 F-35s, which are being acquired by the Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps — a decrease of 15 joint strike fighters compared to the number procured last year. The budget also includes $1.1 billion for eight F-15EX fighters, a souped-up version of legacy F-15 platforms. Ground systems would receive $14.6 billion, about $1.3 billion less than 2019. That includes $1.6 billion for more than 4,000 joint light tactical vehicle that the Army and Marine Corps are buying. Shipbuilding and maritime systems would receive $34.7 billion, a $1.6 billon bump. Missiles and munitions investment would total $21.6 billion, a $900 million increase. High priority munitions such as the joint air-to-surface missiles, long range anti-ship missile, standard missile-6, joint direct attack munition, Hellfire and small diameter bomb are fully funded at the maximum production rate, budget documents noted. Missile defense and defeat systems would get $11.6 billion in acquisition accounts, a $400 million drop. However, there will be a total of $13.6 billion for these types of capabilities once spending on related initiatives are factored in, McCusker said. Nuclear programs would receive $31 billion in funding including $14 billion for next-generation systems such as the B-21 bomber, Columbia-class submarine and ground-based strategic deterrent. Command, control, communications, computers and intelligence systems would get $10.2 billion, a $200 million increase. Science and technology efforts would grow $400 million to a total of $14.1 billion for initiatives such as AI, offensive and defensive hypersonic capabilities, directed energy and quantum sciences. Mission support activities would receive $70.9 billion. In a move that is certain to be controversial, the budget request includes $3.6 billion for border wall construction, as well as another $3.6 billion to backfill construction projects that were delayed in 2019 because money was reprogrammed for Trump's promised border wall after he declared a national emergency, McCusker said. Analysts have attacked the idea of including money in the Pentagon budget to build barriers on the U.S.-Mexico border. American Enterprise Institute defense analysts Mackenzie Eaglen and Rick Berger said the border wall funding was “inappropriately included,” adding that the “real budget” for defense would be about $743 billion excluding the $7.2 billion for wall funding and backfilling delayed military construction projects. “That's basically just growth with inflation from 2019, and it continues a flat spending trajectory for years to come,” they said in a note to reporters. Looking longer term over the course of the future years defense program, the Defense Department topline would see relatively slow nominal growth, decreasing to $713 billion in fiscal year 2021, before increasing to $727 billion in 2022, $742 billion in 2023 and $747 billion in 2024, according to budget documents. Eaglen and Berger also criticized the Pentagon's focus on R&D while cutting procurement. “This strategy continues years of cutting existing weapons programs for the promise of future technological breakthroughs,” they said. “The military not only requires more advanced weapons to compete with Russia and China, but also needs immediate recapitalization for decades-old equipment. Carrying out the national defense strategy requires both military capacity and capability.” http://www.nationaldefensemagazine.org/articles/2019/3/12/pentagon-plans-to-cut-procurement-boost-rd-in-2020

  • U.S. Army Starts Structures Demo For FLRAA, FARA Upgrades  | Aviation Week Network

    April 22, 2021 | International, Aerospace

    U.S. Army Starts Structures Demo For FLRAA, FARA Upgrades | Aviation Week Network

    A solicitation for the Adaptive Resilient Engineered Structures program, published on April 20 by the Aviation Applied Technology Directorate, calls for technologies that could be demonstrated in a relevant operational environment—or a Technology Readiness Level of 6—between fiscal 2023 and 2026. 

  • FUTUR AVION DE CHASSE EUROPÉEN : LA FRANCE RETROUVE SON LEADERSHIP AÉRONAUTIQUE

    January 13, 2020 | International, Aerospace

    FUTUR AVION DE CHASSE EUROPÉEN : LA FRANCE RETROUVE SON LEADERSHIP AÉRONAUTIQUE

    13 janvier, par Nicolas Lefebvre D'ici 2040, le Rafale français, l'Eurofighter allemand et le F-18 Hornet espagnol laisseront la place aux chasseurs de 5e génération du programme européen SCAF. Si les partenaires français de ce consortium tirent leur épingle du jeu, reste à mettre en place une gouvernance à long terme dans ce programme. Juin 2019, salon aéronautique du Bourget. Le patron de Dassault Aviation, Éric Trappier, ne cache pas sa fierté au moment de poser pour les photographes devant la maquette grandeur nature de la future fierté européenne en matière d'avions de chasse. Le SCAF (Système de Combat Aérien Futur, également baptisé Next Generation Fighter, noms provisoires) est certes sur les rails, mais il n'y a pas une minute à perdre. Le patron de Dassault est un homme pressé, et veut se donner les moyens de tenir les délais. « Ce n'est pas de l'impatience, c'est indispensable », a-t-il lancé au Bourget, avec le planning en tête : première démo en 2026, produit fini en 2040. Cela semble loin ; en réalité, c'est demain pour l'Europe de la défense. Tenir ce planning passera forcément par une bonne entente avec ses différents partenaires français, allemands et espagnols, les trois pays scellant leur avenir commun le 17 juin dernier. Genèse d'un projet pan-européen L'histoire mérite un petit retour en arrière. Initialement, Dassault devait convoler en justes noces avec les Britanniques de BAE Systems, l'un des géants européens de l'industrie de la Défense. En 2010, Paris et Londres – gr'ce au tandem Sarkozy-Cameron – sont sur la même longueur d'ondes, les premiers budgets de développement sont débloqués, le futur avion de chasse mobilise les équipes de part et d'autre de la Manche. En 2014, Dassault Aviation, BAE Systems, Thales, Rolls-Royce et Safran, auxquels se sont joints les Italiens de Leonardo, travaillent de concert. Jusqu'en 2016. Les dents grincent dans de nombreuses entreprises, Safran (ex-Snecma) a par exemple peur de disparaître, écrasé par Rolls-Royce. La coopération s'arrête, le divorce est consommé ; les Français cherchent d'autres partenaires et se rapprochent des Allemands. En juillet 2017, le tandem Merkel-Macron lance le programme SCAF, sous l'impulsion commune du Français Dassault Aviation et de l'Allemand Airbus Defence And Space, basé à Munich. La planification stratégique pour les 25 prochaines années se fera donc en haut lieu, suivant la vision de ces deux intégrateurs systémiques, piliers du projet. Ont par la suite rejoint l'aventure le motoriste allemand MTU Aero Engines et son homologue français Safran, l'électronicien français Thales et leurs homologues allemands Rohde & Schwarz et Hensoldt, ou encore le consortium européen MBDA et le fabricant allemand Diehl pour l'armement. Depuis, les Britanniques ont choisi de s'allier avec les Italiens de Aeronautica Militare et les Suédois de Saab pour développer le chasseur furtif Tempest. Mission nº1 : d'abord régler le différend avec les Allemands Retour à l'actualité. Les plus belles histoires connaissent elles aussi des couacs. Tout allait bien jusqu'en juin 2019, les Allemands sortant alors le carnet de chèque pour compléter un premier budget de 65 millions d'euros pour les 24 prochains mois, sachant que la recherche et développement s'élèvera à terme à 200, voire 300 millions d'euros. Mais Paris et Berlin sont tombés sur un os : les deux pays ne suivent pas la même politique diplomatique à l'export. Au printemps dernier, l'affaire des livraisons d'armes françaises à l'Arabie saoudite, dans le cadre de la guerre au Yémen, passe mal outre-Rhin. Le Bundestag – le Parlement allemand – est en effet très réticent à l'idée d'exporter des armes servant dans cette guerre en particulier. Une position d'autant plus paradoxale que l'Allemagne est beaucoup plus indulgente vis-à-vis des entreprises qui exportent par exemple des armes vers la Turquie, embourbée dans sa guerre contre les Kurdes. Un avion commun comportant des éléments français et allemands devra néanmoins nécessairement respecter les contraintes les plus fortes. En l'occurrence celles venues de Berlin. En septembre, le patron français de Dassault a demandé aux gouvernements français et allemand de régler cette brouille diplomatique pour ne pas entraver la bonne marche du programme commun. Mission nº2 : ensuite assurer le leadership systémique du projet Côté français, le programme SCAF réunit aujourd'hui les compétences et savoir-faire de fleurons de l'industrie de la Défense : l'avionneur Dassault Aviation, le motoriste Safran, ainsi que Thales pour la partie électronique. Trois grandes entreprises du secteur régalien de la Défense. Thales – dirigé par Patrice Caine – et Safran – dirigé par Philippe Petitcolin –ont en commun d'avoir l'Etat français à leur capital, respectivement à hauteur de 25,7% et de 11%. L'Etat français est également présent indirectement chez Dassault via la participation d'Airbus (9% environ, sachant que l'l'Etat détient 11% d'Airbus). A noter que Dassault Aviation, aux mains de la famille Dassault – détient également 24,3% de Thales. Chez Dassault, la priorité est désormais de garder la main sur le projet, et de rendre pérenne la coopération franco-allemande. Une position de nº1 qui fait d'ailleurs des envieux, notamment du côté de Thales. Entre les patrons de Dassault et de Thales, il y a d'ailleurs un petit air de Je t'aime, moi non plus, les deux entreprises se connaissant par cœur puisqu'elles collaborent sur de nombreux projets et en premier lieu sur le fleuron militaire de Dassault, le Rafale. En réalité, Patrice Caine a très mal pris de ne pas être intégré au projet SCAF, dès le début. De plus, si Dassault considère que le fuselage reste la pierre angulaire d'un avion furtif, Thales pense que l'électronique et l'intelligence artificielle ont déjà pris le pas sur plateformes. En clair, Thales ne veut plus de l'étiquette de simple « équipementier » et se rêve désormais en maître d'œuvre des grands programmes d'armements. Sachant que du terrestre au naval, en passant par l'aérien, Thales est présent absolument partout, l'argument n'est pas complètement dénué de sens. De plus, les systèmes d'armes actuels sont effectivement centrés sur la communication entre systèmes de capteurs et systèmes d'armes, cœur de métier de Thales version défense. Pour autant, Thales manque cruellement de l'expérience nécessaire à la conduite des grands programmes. Il est possible que l'adoubement de Caine par Emmanuel Macron, après le rejet de la candidature d'Henri Proglio en 2015, ait donné des ailes au patron de Thales dont l'ambition dévorante dérange, en interne comme en externe. Le groupe n'hésite pas en effet à croiser le fer avec ses condisciples industriels de défense et Patrice Caine est coutumier des joutes franco-françaises : pour marquer son territoire il n'hésite pas, par exemple, à présenter Thales face à des partenaires français comme cela a pu être le cas face au constructeur maritime Naval Group début 2019 lors d'un important appel d'offre belgo-néerlandais qu'il a finalement perdu. L'histoire ne manque pas de sel quand on sait que la société détient 35% de Naval Group. Thales ne manque pas pourtant de sujets internes de préoccupation voire d'inquiétude, parmi lesquels l'intégration de Gemalto, spécialiste de la cybersécurité récemment racheté pour 5,6 milliards d'euros. Pour revenir sur le futur avion de chasse européen, Éric Trappier garde la main. Et à travers lui, l'aéronautique français dans son ensemble. La France n'est pas la seule bénéficiaire de ce programme ; se joue aussi à long terme la souveraineté industrielle de l'Europe sur les questions de défense. https://www.taurillon.org/futur-avion-de-chasse-europeen-la-france-retrouve-son-leadership

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