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June 11, 2019 | International, Security, Other Defence

A Report from NATO's Front Lines

by Michael O'Hanlon

All is busy on NATO's eastern front. That was our main conclusion during a recent study delegation to Lithuania sponsored by the Lithuanian Ministry of National Defense and organized by the Atlantic Council. A lot is happening on the defense preparation front, and the overall security situation is improving considerably compared with a few years ago. But problems remain and work still has to be done, if deterrence and stability are to be ensured, and a potentially devastating war with Russia prevented.

As many people will recall, the Baltic nations of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, with a combined population of some six million and combined military strength of some thirty thousand active-duty troops, joined NATO in 2004. All three border Russia, though in the case of Lithuania, that border is in the western part of the country (near Russia's Kaliningrad pocket). Lithuania's eastern frontier is shared with Belarus, a close ally of Moscow, at Vladimir Putin's insistence. Its southern border touches Poland, along the famed “Suwalki gap,” the narrow land corridor through which NATO would likely send most of its tens of thousands of reinforcements during any major crisis or conflict with Russia over the Baltics. All three Baltic states, plus Poland, are now among the seven of NATO's twenty-nine members that meet their obligations to spend at least 2 percent of gross domestic product on their militaries, however imperfect a metric of burden-sharing that formal NATO requirement may be. In Lithuania's case, this represents a tripling of military spending since 2013.

Give President Donald Trump and President Barack Obama some of the credit for recent increases if you wish. But give the Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians, and Poles the majority of the credit—with a nod, of course, to Vladimir Putin, who has done more to unify and motivate eastern Europeans' security efforts than anyone else this century.

Since 2014, when Russia seized Crimea in Ukraine and stoked a conflict in Ukraine's east that continues to this day, NATO has been gradually fortifying its eastern flank, in the Baltic states and Poland. It now has a multinational battalion-size battlegroup (of about one thousand soldiers) in each of the three Baltic states, plus a larger U.S. brigade-sized presence in Poland (with occasional, but intermittent, American deployments into the Baltic states for exercising and signaling resolve). The battalion in Lithuania is backstopped by Germany, with additional major contributions from the Czech Republic and the Netherlands. These battalions are collectively described as the “enhanced forward presence” or eFP program, following NATO's Operation Atlantic Resolve; the U.S. element is often described as the European deterrence initiative.

Adding in those rotational deployments, there are some thirty-five thousand total NATO troops in the Baltics, with only a smattering of Americans on most days. Russia has well over one hundred thousand of its own recently-improved forces just across the border and could probably muster closer to two hundred thousand with little effort under the guise of an exercise, if it wished.

The Lithuanians' recent defense efforts need to be put in perspective. The nation is resolute, with 80 percent supporting NATO forces deployed to its territory and all of the recent major presidential candidates—and eventual winner—favoring the ongoing defense buildup. But it does not seem paranoid, or on serious edge, even as the officials we saw were clear about the challenge and legitimately focused on progress. While a military budget at 2 percent of GDP, headed towards 2.5 percent, is an impressive defense effort, it does not reflect the dire sense of urgency of a society expecting imminent war. After all, the United States and Russia each spend more than 3 percent of GDP on their armed forces; in fact, NATO aimed for a 3 percent minimum during the Cold War, when the United States typically spent upwards of 5 percent of GDP on its military. And for all the enhancements to its two main combat brigades, Lithuania has restrained from fortifying the eastern and western flanks of the country with smart minefields or other barriers to invasion.

For its part, NATO more generally has stationed the eFP forces but has not tied them into a truly integrated combat force; nor has it deployed many helicopters or air defense systems into the Baltic states. It certainly has not prestationed the seven brigades of capability that a 2016 RAND Corporation simulation estimated as necessary to constitute a viable forward defense position.

The current level of effort, vigilant but tempered, strikes us as roughly appropriate to the circumstances at hand. While there are still conflict scenarios that can be imagined, it is hard to think that President Putin believes he could really get away with naked aggression against any NATO member, including those in the Baltic region. Even if NATO does not have an adequate forward defense in place against hypothetical Russian aggression, it does have a rather robust forward tripwire, combined with increasingly credible ways of rapidly reinforcing that tripwire in a crisis.

Still, there are three additional lines of effort that Washington and other NATO capitals should pursue in the interest of greater deterrence, stability, and predictability in eastern Europe.

First, as a recent Atlantic Council report, “Permanent Deterrence,” underscored, NATO should strengthen key pieces of its modest military presence in Poland and the Baltic states. Much of this can happen in the Polish/American sector, but elements of it should extend to the Baltics as well. It makes good sense to combine greater combat engineering capability for military mobility, so as to better move reinforcements into the east in the face of possible Russian opposition, together with plugging gaps in areas such as combat aviation and air defense, and pre-stocking certain equipment. Moscow may complain, but it cannot credibly view such additions as major NATO additions or provocations, especially because they are modest, and because Russian actions have necessitated them.

Second, nonmilitary elements of NATO resoluteness need to be strengthened, too. As discussed in The Senkaku Paradox: Risking Great Power War over Small Stakes, there are various types of very small Russian probing attacks that could leave NATO flummoxed and paralyzed over how to respond. These attacks might not reach the threshold where all alliance members would wish to invoke NATO's Article V mutual-defense clause and send military forces in response, yet they could be too serious to ignore. NATO should conceptualize such scenarios and exercise crisis decisionmaking in advance while honing various economic and diplomatic approaches to complement any military responses. NATO also needs to develop more contingency plans for economic warfare with Russia that would provide alternative energy sources in a crisis. Lithuania's recent development of a liquefied natural gas terminal is exemplary in this regard.

Third, while projecting resolve vis-à-vis Moscow, including retention of the EU and U.S. sanctions that have been imposed on Russia in recent years, NATO needs to rethink its broader strategy towards Russia. This strategy should include options for bettering relations in a post–Putin Russia. Various types of security architectures and arrangements should be explored and debated. For now, with a new president in Kiev, a concerted effort to help Ukraine reform its economy and further weed out corruption makes eminent sense.

Things are moving in the right direction in eastern Europe, but there is considerable work left to be done.

Michael O'Hanlon is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and author of the new book, The Senkaku Paradox; Christopher Skaluba is the director of the Transatlantic Security Initiative at the Atlantic Council.

https://nationalinterest.org/feature/report-natos-front-lines-62067

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  • Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - January 24, 2020

    January 27, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - January 24, 2020

    ARMY Longbow LLC, Orlando, Florida, was awarded a $235,794,870 hybrid (cost-no-fee, cost-plus-fixed-fee and firm-fixed-price) Foreign Military Sales (Republic of Korea (South Korea), Greece, India, India, Indonesia, Kuwait, Netherlands, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Taiwan, United Arab Emirates and United Kingdom) contract for procurement of production support services for the Fire Control Radar System for the Apache attack helicopter. One bid was solicited via the internet with one bid received. Work locations and funding will be determined with each order, with an estimated completion date of Jan. 31, 2025. U.S. Army Contracting Command, Rock Island Arsenal, Illinois, is the contracting activity (W52P1J-20-D-0009). Georgia Vocational Rehabilitation Agency, Tucker, Georgia, was awarded a $94,213,911 firm-fixed-price contract for full food services. Bids were solicited via the internet with five received. Work locations and funding will be determined with each order, with an estimated completion date of Jan. 31, 2025. Field Directorate Office, Fort Sam Houston, Texas, is the contracting activity (W9124J-20-D-0003). United Materials of Great Falls,* Great Falls, Montana, was awarded an $8,450,955 firm-fixed-price contract for construction of new parking apron and connecting taxiways. Bids were solicited via the internet with one received. Work will be performed in Great Falls, Montana, with an estimated completion date of Oct. 30, 2020. Fiscal 2019 military construction funds in the amount of $8,450,955 were obligated at the time of the award. U.S. Property and Fiscal Office, Helena, Montana, is the contracting activity (W9124V-20-C-0002). MCON LLC,* Wathena, Kansas, was awarded a $7,536,190 firm-fixed-price contract for raising the Missouri River levee system and installing relief wells. Bids were solicited via the internet with nine received. Work will be performed in Elwood, Kansas, with an estimated completion date of Jan. 23, 2022. Fiscal 2020 civil construction funds in the amount of $7,536,190 were obligated at the time of the award. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Kansas City, Missouri, is the contracting activity (W912DQ-20-C-1009). AIR FORCE Rolls Royce Corp., Indianapolis, Indiana, has been awarded a $69,087,000 indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract for the T56 Engine Component Improvement Program (CIP). The T56 Engine CIP establishes a prioritized list of projects each calendar year to include developing engineering changes to the engines, developing organizational, intermediate and depot level repairs as needed, and designing modifications to existing support equipment as well as initiating new support equipment designs as required by engine driven changes. The program also provides support to resolve service-revealed deficiencies and maintain or extend the life limits of aircraft engine. Work will be performed in Indianapolis, Indiana, and is expected to be complete by Dec. 31, 2029. Foreign Military Sales Fair Share funds in the amount of $385,938 are being obligated at the time of award. This award is the result of a sole source acquisition. The Air Force Life Cycle Management Center, Tinker Air Force Base, Oklahoma, is the contracting activity (FA8626-20-D-0003). Graf Research Corp., Blacksburg, Virginia, has been awarded a $49,500,000 single award, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract with cost-plus-fixed-fee task orders for research and development. This contract provides for applied and advanced research for the advancement of trusted and assured microelectronics technologies; trust assessment strategies in areas related to known and potential system vulnerabilities; development and implementation of mitigation strategies and methodologies to prevent vulnerabilities; development and implementation of mitigation strategies and methodologies to prevent vulnerabilities before mitigation is required. Work will be performed at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, and is expected to be complete by Feb. 15, 2028. This award is the result of a Small Business Innovative Research III request for proposal. Fiscal 2019 research and development funds in the total amount of $5,999,985 are being obligated at the time of award for the first task order (FA8650-20-F-1880). The Air Force Research Lab, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, is the contracting activity (FA8650-20-D-1879). EWR Radar Systems Inc., St. Louis, Missouri, has been awarded a $20,705,290 contract for the Portable Doppler Radar (PDR) program. This contract provides for the purchase of 22 PDR systems, with an option to purchase up to an additional 14 systems. Work will be performed in St. Louis, Missouri, and is expected to be complete by Jan. 24, 2023. This contract is the result of a sole-source acquisition. Fiscal 2018 and 2019 other procurement funds in the amount of $12,662,566 are being obligated at the time of award. The Aerospace Management Systems Division, Digital Directorate, Hanscom Air Force Base, Massachusetts, is the contracting activity (FA8730-20-C-0033). L3 Harris Corp., Marietta, Georgia, has been awarded an $11,457,610 firm-fixed-price contract for repair services of electronic flight indicators and radar display units for the C‐130H Hercules. The work is expected to be complete by Jan. 24, 2025. This award is the result of a sole-source acquisition. 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  • Fincantieri, Leonardo team up on underwater drone effort

    October 29, 2023 | International, C4ISR

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  • DISA awards managed services contract to Perspecta

    February 11, 2021 | International, C4ISR

    DISA awards managed services contract to Perspecta

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