Nouvelles

By: Sebastian Sprenger COLOGNE, Germany — NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg wants the alliance to take on a greater political role in world affairs and help nations in the Asia-Pacific region contend with China's rise. “Military strength is only part of the answer,” Stoltenberg said Monday in a speech during an online event organized by the Atlantic Council and the German Marshall Fund of the United States. “We also need to use NATO more politically.” He said alliance member should adopt a more global approach to security issues, unlike the Europe- and North America-centric tack that has often shaped the alliance's agenda. “This is not about a global presence, but a global approach,” he said. “As we look to 2030, we need to work even more closely with like-minded countries, like Australia, Japan, New Zealand and [South] Korea, to defend the global rules and institutions that have kept us safe for decades, to set norms and standards in space and cyberspace, on new technologies and global arms control, and ultimately to stand up for a world built on freedom and democracy, not on bullying and coercion.” Those words are a veiled description of what Western analysts believe is a policy of China blackmailing weaker nations in its orbit through economic and diplomatic pressure. As Stoltenberg put it, Beijing becoming militarily and economically stronger represents a “fundamental shifting" in the global balance of power in which the Western alliance should not be caught flat-footed. Stoltenberg repeatedly invoked NATO cohesion as an organizing principle for the alliance, imploring members to "resist the temptation of national solutions.” His comments came as the Trump administration is reportedly considering what critics have called just that: a partial U.S. troop reduction in Germany without consulting allies. The Pentagon previously portrayed its presence in Germany as a testament to America's commitment to Europe, especially following Russia's annexation of Crimea from Ukraine in 2014. The NATO chief dodged a question on the report, first made public by the Wall Street Journal, instead trumpeting the U.S. military's deepening involvement in Europe. Meanwhile, it is hard to evaluate the seriousness of the reported move, especially because U.S. lawmakers and leaders in Berlin were left in the dark. Some media outlets have speculated that a moment of anger by U.S. President Donald Trump about German Chancellor Angela Merkel prompted the idea, while Reuters cited an unnamed official saying that Gen. Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, had worked on the issue for months. Retired Lt. Gen. Ben Hodges, a former commander of U.S. Army troops in Europe, told Defense News he finds it unlikely that senior military officials were onboard. “I don't believe that at all,” he said. “No way such a significant decision could be kept under wraps in Washington, D.C., for that long. Based on the conversations I've had the last four days, there's no doubt in my mind that this was a shock to all military leadership in Europe.” Hodges also criticized Polish officials for being eager to fill a potential void. “I would prefer that our Polish allies focus on the importance of the cohesion of the alliance versus immediately signaling that they'd be happy to host U.S. troops that might move from Germany,” he wrote in an email. “Poland is a great ally. But their security is best when we have a strong, unified alliance that is built around a strong USA-Germany relationship.” https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/06/08/nato-chief-seeks-to-forge-deeper-ties-in-chinas-neighborhood/

By: Mike Yeo MELBOURNE, Australia — The development of South Korea's indigenous KF-X fighter jet has taken another step forward with GE Aviation delivering the first engine for program, although development partner Indonesia continues to rack up overdue payments for its share. The engine manufacturer announced Friday that it delivered the first F414-GE-400K engine to Korea Aerospace Industries in May. KAI is developing the KF-X for the South Korean Air Force, which intends to replace its fleet of McDonnell Douglas F-4 Phantom II and Northrop F-5E/F Tiger II fighters with the new jet. “GE is thrilled to reach this important milestone in the KF-X program,” said Al DiLibero, general manager of GE's Medium Combat and Trainer Engines department. “Our success so far on this program reflects the strong relationship between the [Republic of Korea Air Force] ROKAF, our South Korean industry partners and GE Aviation, and the long and successful history of our engines powering ROKAF aircraft." KAI selected GE Aviation in May 2016 to supply F414-GE-400K engines for the KF-X fighter, with an eventual total of 240 F414s plus spares to be supplied to KAI to power 120 KF-X jets for South Korea. A total of 15 engines and six prototypes are expected to be produced for the program by 2021, with first flight expected in 2022. Development is expected to be completed by 2026. The F414 also powers the Boeing F/A-18E/F Super Hornet, the Saab JAS 39E/F Gripen and India's HAL Tejas Mark 2 combat aircraft. South Korea plans to primarily equip the KF-X with indigenous avionics. These will come mostly from LIG Nex1 and Hanwha, although Israel's Elbit Systems will supply terrain following/avoidance systems for the active electronically scanned array radar under development by Hanwha. The Israeli company announced the $43 million contract in early February. The KF-X is also to be compatible with European air-to-air missiles. South Korea signed a contract with European missile-maker MBDA in November 2019 to integrate the Meteor, while Diehl-BGT is also reportedly set to sign a similar contract for its IRIS-T. It was also reported that the American Paveway laser-guided bomb, the satellite-guided Joint Direct Attack Munition and Textron's CBU-105 Wind Corrected Munitions Dispenser will be integrated on the KF-X, whose development is being co-funded by Indonesia. The Southeast Asian nation signed onto the program in 2010, agreeing to pay for 20 percent of the development costs in exchange for one prototype aircraft, design participation, technical data and production sharing. Since then, however, Indonesia has missed a number of payments amid a budget crunch, with newspaper The Korea Herald reporting in late May that as of April, Indonesia owes $415 million in overdue payments to the program. https://www.defensenews.com/industry/techwatch/2020/06/08/south-korea-receives-engines-for-future-fighter-jet/

By: Sarah Bidgood Russia recently published a new document, titled “Basic Principles of State Policy of the Russian Federation on Nuclear Deterrence.” Its release marks the first time that Russia's official policy on deterrence has been made publicly available. As others have observed, this document is an example of declaratory policy aimed primarily at a foreign audience — and should be read with this orientation in mind. Still, it contains information that helps readers better understand how Russia thinks about nuclear weapons, and this certainly makes it worth a close examination. Some of the more useful insights this document offers pertain to Russia's threat assessments and what it sees as likely pathways to nuclear use. A number of these threats line up with American declaratory policy as reflected in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. These overlaps are noteworthy, since the U.S. and Russia have traditionally been able to work together to mitigate mutual threats even when their bilateral relationship is in crisis. As such, they can point toward ways to get arms control back on track at a time when it is in deep trouble. One such area of overlap appears in section 19C, which covers the conditions that could allow for nuclear use. This list includes an “attack by [an] adversary against critical governmental or military sites of the Russian Federation, disruption of which would undermine nuclear forces response actions." The similarities between this language and that which appears in the 2018 NPR are considerable. That document identifies “attacks on U.S., allied, or partner civilian populations and infrastructure and attacks on U.S. or allied nuclear forces, their command and control, or warning and attack assessment capabilities” as a significant non-nuclear strategic attacks that could warrant the use of nuclear weapons. These parallels suggest that an agreement prohibiting attacks on nuclear command, control and communications systems could be of interest to both Washington and Moscow. A treaty along these lines would help to shore up crisis stability while rebuilding trust and confidence between the U.S. and Russia. It could also become a multilateral approach involving the five nuclear weapon states, which have been meeting regularly to discuss risk reduction and other topics. This would represent one of the few concrete outcomes of these discussions, which have been met with cautious enthusiasm but have so far failed to bear much fruit. Another example of mutual U.S.-Russia threats appears in section 12E of the Russian document. Here, the “uncontrolled proliferation of nuclear weapons, their delivery means, technology and equipment for their manufacture” are described as risks that nuclear deterrence is meant to neutralize. Preventing the spread of nuclear weapons seems to remain a focus of U.S. nuclear policy, too, and the 2018 NPR commits to strengthening institutions that support “verifiable, durable progress on non-proliferation.” This ongoing shared interest is an argument for renewed U.S.-Russian cooperation in this area, especially as it relates to strengthening the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. There is a long history of engagement between the two largest nuclear weapon states on nonproliferation, even at times of major discord in their relationship. Successful outcomes of this cooperation include the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty itself, which the United States and the Soviet Union concluded 50 years ago to stop additional countries from acquiring nuclear weapons. Despite decades of joint work toward this shared goal, the rift between Washington and Moscow has now brought most bilateral efforts in this area to a halt. As some in Iran, Turkey and Germany contemplate the pursuit of nuclear weapons, it's time for the U.S. and Russia to shore up the credibility of the regime they built. Other sections of Russia's document offer additional glimpses into Moscow's perceived threats, although not all find ready analogs in U.S. declaratory policy. Many relate instead to the possibility that an adversary will carry out a conventional attack on Russia. Sections 12 and 14, for instance, reference the risks posed by adversary deployments of medium- and shorter-range cruise and ballistic missiles, non-nuclear high-precision and hypersonic weapons, strike unmanned aerial vehicles, and directed-energy weapons. They also mention the deployment of missile defense systems in space; military buildups by would-be adversaries of general-purpose force groupings that possess nuclear weapons delivery means in territories neighboring Russia; and the placement of nuclear weapons on the territories of non-nuclear weapons states, among others. There is little here that would surprise most Russia-watchers, but if the U.S. is serious about pursuing “next generation” arms control, it is useful to have a list of potential topics for discussion that go beyond ballistic missile defense. This list might also prove helpful in negotiating asymmetric treaties or in identifying confidence-building measures that cross domains. Overall, this short document does provide greater clarity with respect to Russia's deterrence strategy, but it is ambiguous on many points as well. Olga Oliker, the International Crisis Group's program director for Europe and Central Asia, noted, for instance, it does not settle the debate over whether Russia has an “escalate-to-deescalate” policy, and it is (unsurprisingly) vague about the precise circumstances under which Russia would consider using nuclear weapons. Still, despite leaving some questions unanswered, the document offers a valuable window into Russia's strengths and vulnerabilities as they appear from Moscow. While likely not the intended signal this document was meant to send, it nevertheless points to possible opportunities for engagement when other good alternatives are hard to see. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/06/08/russias-new-nuclear-policy-could-be-a-path-to-arms-control-treaties/

Leo Shane III The biggest defense news on Capitol Hill this week will be taking place behind the scenes rather than in public view, as lawmakers grapple with the military's response to recent nationwide protests and their own plans for next year's Pentagon budget. On Monday, Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy, Army Chief of Staff Gen. James McConville and District of Columbia National Guard Commander Maj. Gen. William Walker will brief members of the House Armed Services Committee in a non-public meeting. The session was originally scheduled for late last week, amid concerns that guardsmen may have overstepped their roles as security support for D.C. police responding to some of the massive racial equality demonstrations outside the White House in recent days. The protests were sparked by the death of George Floyd, a black man prosecutors say was murdered by a white Minneapolis police officer. Since then, Pentagon officials appear to have tamped down President Donald Trump's suggestions that active-duty troops should be brought in to help handle the work, creating a massive show of force to “dominate” the streets of major cities across the country. But House Armed Services Committee members have said they still have lingering questions about how those discussions progressed, and whether guardsmen were put in an uncomfortable political role instead of their traditional support response. Democratic members are also sparring with Defense Secretary Mark Esper and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Mark Milley, after committee Chairman Adam Smith, D-Wash., vowed to bring the Pentagon leaders to Capitol Hill for a full public hearing on the issues this week. Esper and Milley have thus far refused, although Pentagon officials said they are negotiating scheduling issues for a possible future appearance. “The DoD legislative affairs team remains in discussion with the HASC on this request," Navy Cmdr. Sean Robertson, a Pentagon spokesman, said last week. "In the meantime, DoD has committed to provide Army Secretary McCarthy, Army Chief of Staff Gen. McConville, and D.C. National Guard Commanding General Maj. Gen. Walker to brief the committee next week on the presence of the National Guard in Washington, D.C., this past week.” Smith and 30 other Democratic committee members called Esper's refusal to appear this week “unacceptable.” Several members of the committee have vowed to include the issue in the annual defense authorization bill. Subcommittee mark-ups of the massive military budget policy measure are scheduled to begin on June 22. The Senate Armed Services Committee is beginning its mark-up of the authorization bill this week, with the first two subcommittee section votes scheduled for Monday afternoon. The full committee mark-up will take place starting on Wednesday. Unlike their House counterparts, however, nearly all of that work will be done behind closed doors. Senate committee officials have said in the past that they can more quickly and efficiently navigate the hundreds of legislative issues within the bill if they keep the work out of public view, to allow seamless transition between classified and non-classified topics. The only portion of the Senate authorization bill work to be made public will be the personnel subcommittee mark-up, set for Tuesday at 2 p.m. The hearing will be streamed through the committee's web site, as restrictions on public access to the Capitol complex remain in place because of the coronavirus pandemic. The House Armed Services Committee will have a public hearing on a separate topic later this week: Ellen Lord, Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment, will testify on Wednesday about the impact of the ongoing pandemic on the defense industrial base. https://www.militarytimes.com/news/pentagon-congress/2020/06/08/key-debate-on-military-protest-response-budget-priorities-set-to-happen-behind-closed-doors-on-capitol-hill/

Andrew Eversden U.S. Special Operations Command wants ideas from industry to improve the organization's large data analytics platform, an initiative that could lead to as much as $600 million in contracts in the next decade. A request for information released June 5 outlines two lines of effort for changes to the Global Analytics Platform: development and system upgrades, and maintenance and sustainment. SOCOM is exploring both a single-award, indefinite delivery, indefinite delivery contract for each lines of effort or a multi-award ID/IQ for each one. SOCOM, headquartered at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Fla., expects the contract to be worth as much $600 million for 10 years of work. Analysts use the platform to search, discover and analyze large quantities of data. The platform contains applications that are “interfacing with robust data ingest, enrichment, transport, and dissemination across intelligence and operations portfolios.” It is also deploy into the Intelligence Community's Commercial Cloud Services (C2) environment, the solicitation reads. Under the first line of effort, the combatant command wants to upgrade the platform to apply more data science and machine learning/artificial intelligence capabilities to “to improve analyst workflow and free trapped technical capacity.” Agile software will be added “to implement iterative methodologies for the development of applications” to add to the current system architecture. The contractor will also provide technical experts to build and deploy tools to “aggregate and analyze intelligence data for real time exploitation in support of USSOCOM missions.” The request states that the expected places of performance are Arlington, Va., Fort Bragg, N.C., the National Geospatial Agency at Fort Belvoir, Va., and locations outside the continental United States. The performance period is Nov. 1, 2021 to Oct. 31, 2031. It also said the platform provides “intelligence targeting support to the find, fix, finish, exploit, and analyze cycle and direct intelligence support to ongoing operations.” SOCOM is investing heavily to improve its data environment. In a separate effort, USSOCOM wants to place all the data commanders need into a single pane of glass, SOCOM Acquisition Executive James Smith said at a May conference. Responses are due July 31. https://www.c4isrnet.com/newsletters/daily-brief/2020/06/08/special-operations-command-wants-to-upgrade-is-data-analytics-platform/

ARMY CORRECTION: The contract W56KGY-20-D-0008, originally announced on May 29, 2020, has been changed as follows: Canadian Commercial Corp., Ottawa, Canada, was awarded a $380,117,626 hybrid (firm-fixed-price, fixed-price-level-of-effort) contract for MX sensor systems product and system support. Bids were solicited via the internet with one received. Work locations and funding will be determined with each order, with an estimated completion date of May 28, 2028. U.S. Army Contracting Command, Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland, is the contracting activity (W56KGY-20-D-0008). (Awarded June 5, 2020) AIR FORCE L3Harris Technologies Inc., Clifton, New Jersey, has been awarded an estimated $70,000,746 firm-fixed-price, indefinite-delivery requirements contract for AN/ALQ-161A radio frequency surveillance/electronic countermeasures system line replaceable units and shop replaceable units. This contract provides for the repair of 154 national stock numbers applicable to the B1-B aircraft/electronic countermeasures. Work will be performed in Amityville, New York, and is expected to be completed June 5, 2025. This award is the result of a sole-source acquisition. Fiscal 2020 consolidated sustainment activity group-engineering funds will be used to fund individual orders issued against the basic contract. No funds will be obligated at the time of award. Air Force Sustainment Center, Robins Air Force Base, Georgia, is the contracting activity (FA8522-20-D-0002). NAVY Nova Group Inc., Napa, California, is awarded a $43,771,888 firm-fixed-price contract (N44255-20-C-1002) for Pier 3 and Dry Dock 4 modernization at the Naval Base Kitsap, Puget Sound Naval Shipyard and the intermediate maintenance facility. All work will be performed in Bremerton, Washington. The work to be performed is to construct seven new electrical substations, demolish four substations, alter Dry Dock 4 and Pier 3 electrical distribution systems, enclose service utility galleries to prevent flooding during docking operations and Pier 3 piles modifications. Work is expected to be complete by August 2023. Fiscal 2020 military construction contract funds in the amount of $43,771,888 are obligated on this award and do not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. Five proposals were received for this contract. The Naval Facilities Engineering Command, Northwest, Bremerton, Washington, is the contracting activity. Bath Iron Works, Bath, Maine, is awarded a $42,772,449 cost-plus-award-fee modification to previously awarded contract N00024-18-C-2313 to exercise options for the accomplishment of lead yard class services for the DDG 51-class destroyer program. Work will be performed in Bath, Maine (95%); Brunswick, Maine (4%); and other locations collectively totaling less than 1%. This option exercise is for lead yard services (LYS) for the DDG 51-class destroyer program. LYS provides necessary engineering, technical, material procurement and production support; configuration; class flight and baseline upgrades and new technology support; data and logistics management; lessons learned analysis; acceptance trials; post-delivery test and trials; post shakedown availability support; reliability and maintainability; system safety program support; material and fleet turnover support; shipyard engineering team; turnkey; crew indoctrination, design tool/design standardization, detail design development, and other technical and engineering analyses for the purpose of supporting DDG 51-class ship construction and test and trials. In addition, DDG 51-class LYS may provide design, engineering, procurement and manufacturing/production services to support design feasibility studies and analyses that modify DDG 51-class destroyers for Foreign Military Sales (FMS) programs sponsored by the Department of the Navy and the Department of Defense. Work is expected to be complete by June 2021. Fiscal 2015, 2016 and 2017 shipbuilding and conversion (Navy) funding in the amount of $40,438,200 will be obligated at time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity. Lockheed Martin Rotary and Mission Systems, Moorestown, New Jersey, is awarded a $37,510,677 cost-plus-fixed fee contract modification to previously awarded contract N00024-16-C-5103 for additional Aegis combat system engineering, computer program maintenance, in-country support, staging support and implementation studies in support of current and future Foreign Military Sales (FMS) Aegis shipbuilding programs in support of the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force, Republic of Korea Navy, Spanish Armada, Royal Australian Navy and Royal Norwegian Navy, with scope available to support other potential FMS customers. Work will be performed in Moorestown, New Jersey (96%); Tokyo, Japan (1%); Seoul, South Korea (1%); Bergen, Norway (1%); and Adelaide, Australia (1%), and is expected to be complete by September 2020. This modification will provide for additional Aegis combat system engineering, computer program maintenance, in-country support, staging support and implementation studies in support of current and future shipbuilding programs for Japan, Korea, Spain, Australia, Norway and other potential FMS customers. The Aegis FMS programs that will be supported include the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Kongo and Atago class ships, Republic of Korea Navy KDX III class ships, Spanish Armada F-100 and F-110 program, Royal Norwegian Navy F310 class ships and Royal Australian Navy Hunter and Hobart class ships. FMS funding in the amount of $27,957,817 will be obligated at time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. In accordance with 10 U.S. Code 2304(c)(1) and 10 U.S. Code 2304 (c)(4), this contract was not competitively procured; only one responsible source and no other supplies or services will satisfy agency requirements and International Agreement, respectively. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity. Space Ground System Solutions LLC,* Melbourne, Florida, is awarded a $29,596,469 cost-plus-fixed-fee contract for research and prototype development of spacecraft electronics and space/airborne electronic systems and maintenance, development, enhancement and testing supporting mission operations of Department of Defense space assets. Work will be performed in Washington, D.C. The Naval Center for Space Technology (NCST), located at the U.S. Naval Research Laboratory (NRL) in Washington, D.C., is the designated lead laboratory for Navy space programs. NCST has the primary responsibility to develop space systems, spacecraft payloads, tactical communications and aerospace systems to actively pursue emerging technologies in an effort to advance space, tactical and aerospace system development. This contract will support the continual development and advancement of the software and hardware that provides state of the art solutions to space applications. Work is expected to be complete by June 2024. This contract includes options which will bring the cumulative value of this contract to $155,950,111, if exercised. Working capital funds in the amount of $2,060,000 will be obligated at time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was a negotiated acquisition under the authority of Title 10 U.S. Code 2304(b)(2), as stated in Federal Acquisition Regulation 6.203. This contract was competitively procured with one offer received via FedBizOpps. The U.S. Naval Research Laboratory, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity. Rolls-Royce Marine North America Inc., Walpole, Massachusetts, is awarded a $10,980,114 firm-fixed-price, basic ordering agreement order (N64498-20-F-4221) for main propulsion monobloc propellers, propeller hubs, oil distribution boxes, blades and propeller blades for various Navy Ship Classes. Work will be performed in Walpole, Massachusetts, and is expected to be complete by September 2021. The supplies under this order: monobloc propellers, propeller hubs, oil distribution boxes, blades and propeller blades, will be manufactured, machined and fabricated by Rolls-Royce Marine North America (RRMNA) in order to provide this equipment to the Navy. RRMNA is the original designer, developer and sole manufacturer of the items covered in this requirement. Fiscal 2020 other procurement (Navy) funding in the amount of $10,980,114 will be obligated at time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This order was not competitively procured, in accordance with 10 U.S. Code 2304(c)(1), with only one responsible source. The Naval Surface Warfare Center, Philadelphia Division, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania is the contracting activity. DEFENSE LOGISTICS AGENCY Oshkosh Defense LLC, Oshkosh, Wisconsin, has been awarded a maximum $12,994,546 firm-fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract for transfer cases with containers. This was a sole-source acquisition using justification 10 U.S. Code 2304 (c)(1), as stated in Federal Acquisition Regulation 6.302-1. This is a three-year contract with no option periods. Location of performance is Wisconsin, with a June 8, 2023, ordering period end date. Using military service is Army. Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2020 through 2023 (Army) working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Land and Maritime, Warren, Michigan (SPRDL1-20-D-0107). CORRECTION: The modification (P00005) announced May 7, 2020, for Extra Packaging LLC,* Boca Raton, Florida (SPE2DS-19-D-0082), for $7,562,500 was announced with an incorrect award and performance completion date. The correct award date is June 8, 2020, and correct performance completion date is Feb. 8, 2022. DEFENSE HEALTH AGENCY NetImpact Strategies, Chantilly, Virginia, was awarded an $11,766,010 modification under previously awarded firm fixed-price contract HT00-19-F-0017 to fund the first year option period for a Medical Community of Interest with fiscal 2020 operations and maintenance funds. The congressional notification for the award was issued May 31, 2019. This task provides program and project management – program communication and coordination, coordinate security architecture installation, circuit coordination, internet protocol data collection analysis, processing and validation. Optional tasks include operations cell management, business-to-business Virtual Private Network coordination and data collection effort. This contract was awarded through the Small Business Administration (SBA) program with woman-owned business participating in the U.S. SBA 8(a) Business Development Program using the General Services Administration Streamlined Technology Application Resource for Services II contract. The place of performance is Falls Church, Virginia. The Defense Health Agency, Falls Church, Virginia, is the contracting activity. (Awarded June 3, 2020) *Small Business https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Contracts/Contract/Article/2212180/source/GovDelivery/

By: Joe Gould WASHINGTON ― It's been seven weeks since Pentagon officials first pledged to ask Congress for billions of dollars in the next stimulus package to help defense contractors affected by the coronavirus pandemic, but the request remains in limbo. Though the pandemic, according to Department of Defense officials, has been hitting space-launch companies as well as the aviation and shipbuilding supply chains, the Trump administration appears to have sidelined a request to provide more financial support. Such support would supplement $688 million for the defense-industrial base that the DoD previously earmarked as part of the $10.5 billion it got from the coronavirus relief fund created under the CARES Act. New friction between Congress and the Trump administration over the latter's use of the military to respond to nationwide protests as well as its slow use of past stimulus funds likely spell headwinds for another tranche of aid, observers say. “First question will be whether there will ever be another stimulus, given current animosity between the Hill and administration,” said Bill Greenwalt, a defense consultant who was a senior defense acquisitions official in the George W. Bush administration. Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment Ellen Lord said April 20 that the DoD plans to ask for “billions and billions” in a new package to help Pentagon suppliers, pending approval from the White House Office of Management and Budget. Lawmakers will have a chance to ask what that request would contain and about the health of the defense-industrial base when she testifies before the House Armed Services Committee on Wednesday. Defense Secretary Mark Esper said at a public event May 4 that he anticipated “the likely need for additional monies” for medical supplies and “to continue priming the defense-industrial base.” “We want people at work, we want our base at work, we want to continue with payments, we want to help with cash flow, and we're looking at a variety of ways by which we can do that. Again, it's very important,” he said. By that time, the Pentagon had submitted the request to OMB, where it has since stalled, according to two congressional aides. The DoD, in close contact with industry, has projected a three-month slowdown for top weapons programs and sought to make $3 billion in expedited “progress payments" to increase cash flow to primary contractors and more vulnerable, smaller subcontractors. Pandemic-related closures and other disruptions are expected to mean some number of weapons programs will also cost more and arrive later than initially anticipated. “There is no doubt there will be an impact on cost and schedule of DoD programs when the vast majority of people are not going to work,” Greenwalt said. “Then you have the issues of disruption of supply chains and actual closed lines due to the virus.” Meanwhile, Congress is split over how next to address economic and health care crises created by the pandemic. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., wants to measure the impact of past tranches before taking up more funding, saying there are no plans to advance a stimulus bill before the two-week recess begins July 3. He and President Donald Trump were still discussing last week how to fashion the next economic stimulus bill. A stronger-than-expected jobs report could further scramble an already uncertain picture for passing a fifth and possibly final coronavirus aid bill. The positive statistics are feeding the wait-and-see approach of the White House and its GOP allies in Congress. It's also unclear how Congress will be predisposed to a request for more defense funding after it was disclosed last month that the Pentagon has so far placed on contract only 23 percent of the $10.5 billion it was afforded by the CARES Act. The DoD responded to lawmaker concerns with its spending plan for the aid, which prioritized suppliers of aircraft engine parts, shipbuilding, electronics and space launch. House Armed Services Committee Chairman Adam Smith, D-Wash., said in April that Congress ought to forgo a spending boost for the DoD in COVID-19 aid packages, as public health needs were more pressing. Along similar lines, more than two dozen House Democrats wrote Smith to say defense spending for 2021 should be lower than 2020's $738 billion top line, and that COVID-19 aid should be increased. For its part, the National Defense Industrial Association has called for a supplemental defense spending bill to cover the military's pandemic-related costs. It remains to be seen whether the massive fiscal 2021 National Defense Authorization Act will emerge as a potential vehicle for the aid. The Senate Armed Services Committee was this week occupied with the markup of its version of the bill, and the House Armed Services Committee expects to take up its version in late June and early July. “Pentagon leaders are going to be climbing uphill on this request generally given that the GOP is souring on any more stimulus at all,” said Mackenzie Eaglen, a defense budget analyst with the American Enterprise Institute. “Not a party-wide belief yet by any means, but there was already a desire to move on, and the focus now is on the protests and NDAA markup.” Though the Pentagon's request isn't public, Eaglen said it was initially based on the armed services' lists of items left unfunded in Trump's FY21 budget request, which are heavy with procurement programs. Eaglen suggested the administration would do better to find savings within the DoD's own budget. “I think it will be important for DoD not to look tone-deaf,” Eaglen said. “There will be excess readiness and other funds that should go to stimulus priorities first and then, if there is any gap, Congress can plug it from there.” https://www.defensenews.com/congress/2020/06/09/defense-industry-aid-in-limbo-as-new-covid-aid-drags

The Air Force released a June 3 request for information to begin searching for next-generation unmanned aerial vehicles that could eventually replace the MQ-9 Reaper drone. The notice, first reported by Aviation Week, states that the service is conducting market... https://www.defensedaily.com/air-force-releases-rfi-next-gen-isr-drone-potentially-replace-reaper/air-force/

The reason why the Air Force decided to cancel an entire aircraft recapitalization program for a new effort to connect new existing sensors and shooters across the U.S. military is becoming clear, as the first round of industry contracts related to the Advanced... https://www.defensedaily.com/first-round-advanced-battle-management-system-contracts-top-nearly-27-billion/air-force/