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  12 février 2020 | International, Aérospatial

  Le premier contrat de R&T du SCAF (avion de combat du futur) passe au grill du Bundestag

  Par Michel Cabirol Le premier contrat de Recherche et Technologie du programme SCAF (Système de combat aérien du futur) doit être approuvé mercredi en principe par le Bundestag. Un contrat qui s'élève à 155 millions d'euros au total et financé à parité par la France et l'Allemagne. Le programme Système de combat d'avion du futur (SCAF) est sur la piste d'envol. Et c'est le Bundestag, le parlement allemand, qui a bizarrement (constitution allemande oblige) le "Go" entre ses mains pour faire décoller ce programme européen (Allemagne, France et Espagne) vital pour la souveraineté européenne. Traversé par les jeux de la politique intérieure allemande et ouvert aux influences industrielles ainsi qu'à une volonté propre de peser sur ces grands programmes franco-allemands, le Bundestag devra donc approuver ou pas mercredi le premier contrat de R&T (Recherche et technologie) du SCAF. Enfin, il ne faut pas non plus négliger le fait que le ministère de la Défense puisse jouer en sous-main avec le Parlement allemand en vue de négocier de nouvelles contreparties avec la France. Une chose est sure, le SCAF est prévu à l'ordre du jour du Bundestag de mercredi. C'est ce qui a été décidé mais le suspense est garanti jusqu'au tout dernier moment, le dossier pourrait être retiré par le gouvernement de l'ordre du jour si les recommandations du Parlement sur ce contrat donnaient lieu à de nouvelles surenchères. Il y a peu de temps encore, le gouvernement d'Angela Merkel était plutôt confiant sur ce calendrier. "Mais la prudence reste donc de mise", explique-t-on à Paris. Si tout a été négocié aux petits oignons par les étatiques (ministères des Armées et de la Défense) et les industriels, il est encore possible que des jeux politiques internes allemands parasitent le vote du contrat au Bundestag. "Mesdames et messieurs les parlementaires du Bundestag, votre vote dans quelques jours sur le démonstrateur du SCAF, aura une importance décisive, et enverra un signal politique fort, sur la volonté de nos deux pays de construire l'Europe de la défense", avait lancé à Strasbourg le 5 février la ministre des Armées, Florence Parly en conclusion de son discours devant l'Assemblée parlementaire franco-allemande. Un contrat signé en décembre en attente du Bundestag Le travail entre les étatiques français et allemands a été bien fait (tout est parfaitement équilibré dans le programme entre la France et l'Allemagne) et plutôt rapidement. D'autant que le contrat a été déjà signé en décembre par les industriels, qui se sont mis d'accord sur le devis. Un contrat qui sera mis en vigueur bien évidemment sous réserve d'acceptation du Bundestag. Quel est ce dossier qui va passer mercredi au grill des parlementaires allemands ? C'est un contrat de R&T de 155 millions d'euros (soit 148 millions pour la tranche ferme et 7 millions pour la tranche optionnelle), financé à parité par la France et l'Allemagne (77,5 millions d'euros chacun) et d'une durée de 18 mois. Ce contrat porte sur l'ensemble des cinq piliers du programme (avion, moteur, combat collaboratif connecté, drones et coordination du programme). Il doit faire travailler les industriels ensemble sur les technologies ainsi que sur leur maturation avec l'ambition de développer des démonstrateurs à l'horizon de 2026. Deux dossiers du SCAF (capteurs et furtivité) ont été remis à plus tard. Un premier contrat dit d'études de concept de 65 millions d'euros financé à parité avait signé en janvier 2019 avec une tranche ferme et une tranche optionnelle qui a été affermie fin octobre. Vers un contrat de démonstrateurs Ce premier contrat de R&T doit logiquement amener les industriels vers un deuxième contrat plus ambitieux, qui reste encore à définir par la France et l'Allemagne. Il doit être signé entre mi-21 et mi-22 et permettra avec des financements plus importants d'aller encore plus loin dans les travaux communs en vue de réaliser des démonstrateurs, dont notamment l'avion, le moteur, les drones et le combat collaboratif connecté. "Il y aura une stratégie complète de démonstration", souligne-t-on à La Tribune. Le montant de ce futur contrat devrait s'élever à plus de 1 milliard d'euros au moins. Tout dépendra si la phase de démonstration est saucissonnée en plusieurs tranches comme le voudrait le Bundestag afin de contrôler au plus serré le programme SCAF et donc peser sur le discussions entre la France et l'Allemagne. Au total, l'Allemagne et la France devront mettre plusieurs milliards d'euros. Et là, le programme deviendra irréversible, ce qui affaiblira le pouvoir de nuisance du Bundestag. Mais d'ici là, la course de haies va se poursuivre pour les Français face aux Allemands, qui n'auront de cesse de vouloir se renforcer et acquérir des compétences qu'ils n'ont pas pour devenir la première industrie aérospatiale européenne. https://www.latribune.fr/entreprises-finance/industrie/aeronautique-defense/le-premier-contrat-de-r-t-du-scaf-avion-de-combat-du-futur-passe-au-grill-du-bundestag-839400.html

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  11 février 2021 | International, Aérospatial

  What do we know about CATS, India’s new fighter jet drone program?

  Unveiled with pomp at Aero India 2021, the largest airshow since the start of the pandemic, the HAL Combat Air Teaming System (CATS) looks a bit derivative, with its centerpiece – the CATS Warrior – looking almost identical to the Kratos Valkyrie, a drone that captured the imagination of aviation community several years ago. The resemblance is not coincidental. Drones of this kind are informally called “loyal wingmen”, and they are often compared to unmanned fighter jets. Currently under development with most leading military powers, they are set to be controlled by artificial intelligence (AI) instead of ground-based operators, and accompany manned fighter jets into battle. In the United States, the Skyborg program is aimed at developing loyal wingmen for the US Air Force. In Europe, the Mosquito will soon be flying with the Royal Air Force (RAF), while the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) has at least several designs in the works. Russia has been working with the concept too, as did China and some other countries. An ambitious project On paper, theCATS looks very similar to all of those developments. According to the Indian press, it is going to be comprised of several interconnected systems: First off, the whole idea revolves around “Mothership for Air teaming eXploitation” (MAX), a modified two-seater variant of the HAL Tejas Mk-1A fighter jet designed to control a number of drones in flight. It would carry the CATS Hunter, which is described as a fighter-launched cruise missile that would have a range of 700 kilometers (435 miles) with a regular warhead. In a different configuration, the Hunter would have a range of 350 kilometers (217 miles) and could return to base for reuse. Its payload, then, would consist of Air Launched Flexible Assets (ALFAs), swarming munitions each carrying 5 to 8 kilograms of explosives and likely similar in its concept to loitering munitions used by many modern armies. A mockup displayed at Aero India 2021 showed four ALFAs in an internal cargo bay of one Hunter. The last component of the CATS program would be the Warrior drone, a loyal wingman with stealth features, powered by the domestically-produced PTAE-7 turbofan engine and carrying a pair of air-to-air missiles, ALFAs or laser-guided bombs in its two internal bays. With an active electronically scanned array (EASA) radar, Electro-Optical/Infra-Red (EO/IR) imaging system and electronic warfare suite, it could be used both as a forward-deployed scout for regular aircraft as well as for directly engaging enemy targets. It is important to understand that so far these projects are in a development stage. HAL claims that it has been working on the concept since early 2018, but the development really started only in late 2019 and early 2020. The deadline is scheduled for 2024-2025, which could seem optimistic for regular aircraft, but falls in line with similar projects: both the Skyborg and the Mosquito aim at initial operational capability by 2023. Crucial differences There are several key differences between the CATS and other similar programs though. First off, the CATS Warrior is the first loyal wingman showcased, at least in mockup form, with air-to-air missiles. Many manufacturers of prospective loyal wingmen have hinted at such a capability, yet they tend to be careful with their claims. The reason for that is clear: while it is relatively easy to make a drone capable of launching infrared-guided missiles, the participation in actual aerial combat, especially if such a drone is partially or primarily AI-controlled, is a whole other level of complexity. It is very likely that the first “generation” of loyal wingmen will have only rudimentary air-to-air capability and the option to engage in a pitched aerial combat will come later, with upgrades, refinements or subsequent programs (such as the DARPA's LongShot). Both Kratos and Boeing, two companies that already developed and tested their loyal wingmen, talk quite assertively about reconnaissance and ground attack capabilities of their aircraft, but hint at air-to-air capabilities with far less certainty. The two aforementioned drones are supposed to be modular though, their components, such as detection or payload delivery systems, being mission-adaptable. The modularity of the CATS Warrior was not mentioned by HAL at the airshow, and the existence of the multi-purpose Hunter is partially compensating for its lack. Yet another large difference between the CATS and rival Western programs is an emphasis on AI control. It is quite clear that although ALFAs will likely use some form of artificial intelligence, the existence of dedicated two-seater control aircraft hints at Warrior being, at least in some part, piloted. According to HAL, its loyal wingman will be capable of autonomous take-off and landing, yet the capability of autonomous combat was not revealed – an element which, if planned, would likely become its main selling point. In this regard, India is not alone, as the Russian Grom is intended to be human-controlled too, at least according to the current plan. But both American and European programs dedicate a lot of effort and investments into the development of AI capable not only of controlling swarms of combat drones, but of taking over part of the pilot's workload too. Human-AI teaming proved to be a difficult concept, necessitating the development of special algorithms and interfaces with features not explored before. Reacting to circumstances That might be the reason HAL keeps conservative with the control possibilities of its loyal wingman. The ground has not been proven for autonomous fighter jets, and being a pioneer in this field requires colossal research and development funding – money that would be better spent on more pressing issues. Such as the lack of fighter jets. India has been struggling with that for some time now, introducing a hotchpotch of models – from brand new Dassault Rafales to refurbished 80s-vintage MiG-29s – just to close the air defense gap. The ramping up of the production of the HAL Tejas was not enough for that too. The latest MRCA (multi-role combat aircraft) competition has been dragging for some time now, and even if India finally selects its new fighter jet, it will take quite some time to reach operational capability. The CATS Warrior can be interpreted as a direct response to that. If the whole project will enter mass production by the mid-20s, as expected, it may become an ultimate way to solve IAF's long-running problem without greatly increasing the production of the Tejas. With an advertised cost of $5 million per unit – more than most Western loyal wingmen, but still negligible in comparison with manned jets – it could be a saving grace for the country. https://www.aerotime.aero/27216-What-do-we-know-about-Indias-fighter-jet-drone-program

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  4 juin 2020 | International, Aérospatial

  US Should Pull Drones From Missile Control Regime: Mitchell Institute

  "I have great hopes that this administration, with its bold unilateral actions on so many fronts, would take unilateral action with this regime on UAVs," says Keith Webster, former DoD head of defense cooperation. By THERESA HITCHENSon June 03, 2020 at 12:48 PM WASHINGTON: The Trump administration should unilaterally declare that it will no longer subject drone sales to export control restrictions under the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), says a new Mitchell Institute study. And Congress should use the 2021 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) to redefine unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) as aircraft, which not only remove them from MTCR restrictions but also would ease US domestic export controls, asserts the paper, “”Modernizing UAV Export Policy for Effective Coalition Forces,”. “The US Congress should craft language in the 2021 NDAA that defines UAVs as aircraft, not cruise missiles, but as aircraft, and subject to the same export considerations as any other military aircraft,” said Heather Penny, senior resident fellow at Mitchell and the paper's author, during a webinar today. “We believe that this language, a statute, would be sufficient to be able to remove UAVs from being subject to the MTCR guidelines.” The 35-nation MTCR agreement requires a “strong presumption of denial” for sales of so-called Category 1 drones — those that can carry a 500 kilogram payload more than 300 kilometers. The Category 1 definition is considered as the minimum capability a missile needs to carry a nuclear warhead. Smaller unmanned aerial vehicles also are covered under MTCR's Category 2 rules, but those export restrictions are less stringent. Even the treaty-hating Trump administration sees the MTCR — a political agreement rather than a treaty — as a key tool in preventing the proliferation of ballistic and cruise missiles. This is despite its long-standing efforts to ease drone sales to allies, including through revamping US domestic law to allow “Direct Commercial Sales” by companies, rather than requiring all sales to go through the formal Foreign Military Sales process that requires approval by DoD, the State Department and Congress. Indeed, over the past year the administration tried — and failed — to convince its MTCR partners to revamp the rules to allow drones flying less than 800 kilometers per hour to slip out from under the Category 1 rules, said Penny. Washington is now expected to try again at the annual MTCR signatories meeting, she said, instead suggesting a 600 kph speed limit as the line of demarcation between the two categories of export restrictions. (The meetings are usually held in the fall, although there has yet to be an announcement of the 2020 dates.) But, Penny argued, even if this new effort comes to fruition, it would fail to fix the underlying problem of allowing allies to buy high-end US combat drones — and preventing them from fully integrating with US operations. Secondly, she asserted, complying with MTCR rules “distort the market” in favor of Chinese sales, she said, since China is not a member of the MTCR and has few formal restrictions on arms exports. “Continuing to adhere to and apply MTCR guidelines to UAVs facilitates Chinese strategic interests,” Penny said. “It's working against US interests.” Keith Webster, former DoD head of defense cooperation, agreed — calling efforts to revise the MTCR as a “Band-Aid” that would soon loose viability because of the rapid pace of technology improvement. “I wish we would act unilaterally,” he told the Mitchell Institute webinar. “We have the ability to act unilaterally. And I would like to see us do so very soon. I have great hopes that this administration, with its bold unilateral actions on so many fronts, would take unilateral action with this regime on UAVs.” That doesn't mean, Webster hastened to add, pulling out of MTCR itself. “Stay in the MTCR,” he said. “It served its purpose.” The experts acknowledged that a unilateral US move to exempt UAVs from MTCR could spur other nations to do the same for their own weapons systems that could exacerbate nuclear proliferation. Penny stressed that it was key for the US to renew its commitment to nonproliferation of ballistic and cruise missiles, and support MTCR's rules for those systems. Saying that “we need to be honest with ourselves about the implications” while seeking “creative solutions” to the UAV issue, Webster seemed to suggest that ultimately the US may decide the MTCR itself isn't worth the trade off. “There are challenges with compliance within the regime with at least one member,” he warned. As Breaking D readers know, US military leaders and Congress have sounded the alarm on the proliferation of cruise missiles by Russia (an MTCR member) and China that can more easily slip through US ballistic missile defense systems. This is especially true for hypersonic missiles, which have speeds above Mach 5 and while visible on radar are extremely hard to target. https://breakingdefense.com/2020/06/us-should-pull-drones-from-missile-control-regime-mitchell-institute/