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  3 août 2020 | Local, Aérospatial

  Government of Canada receives proposals to replace its fighter jets

  NEWS PROVIDED BY Public Services and Procurement Canada Jul 31, 2020, 12:49 ET GATINEAU, QC, July 31, 2020 /CNW/ - The Government of Canada is committed to providing members of the Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) with the aircraft they need to do their jobs, while ensuring the best possible value for Canadians. Today marked a significant milestone in the process to replace Canada's fighter aircraft fleet. In response to the formal Request for Proposals released last summer, the following eligible suppliers have submitted proposals: Swedish Government—SAAB AB (publ)—Aeronautics with Diehl Defence GmbH & Co. KG, MBDA UK Ltd., and RAFAEL Advanced Defence Systems Ltd. United States Government—Lockheed Martin Corporation (Lockheed Martin Aeronautics Company) with Pratt & Whitney United States Government—The Boeing Company with Peraton Canada Corp., CAE Inc., L3 Technologies MAS Inc., GE Canada and Raytheon Canada Limited Services and Support Division The proposals will be rigorously evaluated on elements of capability (60%), cost (20%) and economic benefits (20%). During the evaluation, a phased bid compliance process will be used to ensure that bidders have an opportunity to address non-compliance related to mandatory criteria in their proposals. The initial evaluation of proposals is anticipated to be completed by spring 2021, at which point Canada may choose to enter into dialogue with two or more compliant bidders and request revised proposals. Canada will finalize terms with the preferred bidder prior to the contract award, which is anticipated in 2022. Delivery of the first aircraft is expected as early as 2025. Quotes "I am extremely proud of the hard work and dedication in reaching this important milestone in the fighter fleet procurement process. I am confident that we will deliver on the government's commitment to provide the Royal Canadian Air Force with the right fighter jet, at the right price, with the right social and economic benefits for Canadians." The Honourable Anita Anand Minister of Public Services and Procurement "Through our fully costed and funded defence policy, Strong, Secure, Engaged, our government committed to purchasing a full fleet of 88 aircraft to be able to meet our NORAD and NATO obligations simultaneously. Efficient and modern fighter jets are an integral part of any air force and we continue to work diligently to make sure that we provide the members of the Royal Canadian Air Force the tools they need to protect Canada, both at home and abroad." The Honourable Harjit S. Sajjan Minister of National Defence "This project represents a once-in-a-generation opportunity to support the competitiveness and growth of Canada's aerospace and defence industries. Our government will evaluate each of these proposals based on their plans to invest in Canada's economy and to support high-value Canadian jobs." The Honourable Navdeep Bains Minister of Innovation, Science and Economic Development Quick facts As part of its defence policy, Strong, Secure, Engaged, the government is acquiring 88 advanced fighter jets. This is the most significant investment in the RCAF in more than 30 years and is essential for protecting the safety and security of Canadians and meeting international obligations. Officials have conducted extensive engagement with Canadian aerospace and defence industries to ensure that they are well positioned to participate in the procurement. Canada's Industrial and Technological Benefits Policy, including Value Proposition applies to this procurement. This is expected to generate high-value jobs and economic growth for Canadian aerospace and defence businesses for decades to come. Bidders were required to demonstrate how they will fulfill the Government of Canada's economic benefits requirements. Those providing contractual guarantees will receive higher points in the evaluation of the Value Proposition. An independent fairness monitor is overseeing the entire process, to ensure a level playing field for all potential bidders. An independent third-party reviewer was also engaged to assess the quality and effectiveness of the procurement approach. Associated links Future Fighter Capability Project National Defence: Fighter jets Integrating Australian jets into the current Royal Canadian Air Force fighter fleet Follow us on Twitter Follow us on Facebook SOURCE Public Services and Procurement Canada For further information: Cecely Roy, Press Secretary, Office of the Honourable Anita Anand, 343-549-7293, cecely.roy@canada.ca; Media Relations, Public Services and Procurement Canada, 819-420-5501, media@pwgsc-tpsgc.gc.ca Related Links www.tpsgc-pwgsc.gc.ca https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/government-of-canada-receives-proposals-to-replace-its-fighter-jets-801677231.html

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  2 janvier 2019 | Local, Naval

  China’s advances in Arctic may pose security threat to Canada

  By EMANUELE SCIMIA Calgary academic believes Beijing will conduct naval operations in the Arctic soon and that China's next-generation nuclear subs will have 'under-ice' capabilities China's growing focus on the Arctic Ocean has drawn the eye of circumpolar nations, including Canada, which lays claim to the waters of the Northwest Passage. The Canadian government tends to downplay the military threat posed by Beijing, but at the same time has voiced concern about its disrespect for international rules in dealing with territorial disputes in the China seas, and the possibility that it could replicate its intimidatory tactics in the High North. The Chinese rolled out their Arctic policy last January. The Asian giant considers itself a “near-Arctic” state, and wants a stake in the region's development as ice melting is creating new business opportunities – a concept reiterated by Gao Feng, China's special representative for Arctic Affairs, at the Arctic Circle Conference in Seoul on December 8. Beijing aims to set up the polar leg of its Belt and Road Initiative for better connectivity across Eurasia and beyond. The Chinese are keen to utilize new Arctic sea routes to narrow the distance and cut transport time with Europe for their cargo ships, besides exploiting the region's natural resources and investing in infrastructure projects. Canada's Department of National Defense spokesperson Jessica Lamirande told Asia Times that her country was committed to cooperation with other states in the Arctic, provided they abide by international law, including environmental, navigation and other standards. Against this backdrop, “Canada welcomes continued discussions with China on Arctic issues,” she said. Arctic militarization Militarization of the Arctic is becoming reality. Russia is busy reinforcing military positions in its polar territory and will require foreign warships that want to sail through its Arctic waters to give prior notification to the Defense Ministry starting from next year. The USS Harry S Truman sailed beyond the Arctic Circle in October, the first time a US aircraft carrier has operated in these latitudes since the early 1990s. The warship then joined the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organization in Norway for its largest military exercises after the fall of the Soviet Union. Still, it is worth noting that the British-led Joint Expeditionary Force also includes circumpolar states such as Norway, Denmark, Sweden and Finland, which are all concerned with Russia's military build-up in the High North. But Lamirande said the Canadian armed forces had not seen an increase in Chinese military presence in the country's Arctic region. “While there is no immediate military threat in Canada's Arctic, our military carefully monitors the changing security environment in the polar areas and is focused on exercising surveillance and control there,” she insisted. “All of the waterways that are commonly referred to as the Northwest Passage are internal waters of Canada and we have an unfettered right to regulate them.” Underestimating China's challenge Not everyone shares Canada's optimistic view of the Chinese commitment to the Arctic. Robert Huebert, a senior fellow at the University of Calgary's Center for Military and Strategic Studies, thinks it is naive on the Canadian government's part to believe that China will not conduct naval operations in the Arctic in the future. “The Chinese have expanded their overall naval capability from 1994 on to the point of becoming the real world's second-largest navy,” he said. “Not to mention that China's naval shipbuilding currently surpasses that of any other country, including the United States.” Huebert noted that Beijing had shown its interest in having Arctic and near-Arctic operations in 2016 when it sent a five-vessel taskforce to the Bering Sea, and later deployed naval units to visit some Nordic countries and hold drills with the Russian navy in the Baltic Sea. “All of this points to a Chinese desire to have vessels that will be able to operate globally,” the Canadian scholar said. “Given the activities of both American and Russian submarines in the Arctic, and given the Chinese intention to become a challenger to both of these navies, it is inevitable that China will soon have an Arctic capability for its naval forces.” Cooperation with the US Canada is trying to beef up its military potential in the High North, but it may not be up to the task of coping with a serious external threat in the region. The Royal Canadian Navy will have six new Arctic and offshore patrol ships down the line. Lamirande explained that jetty infrastructure was being upgraded at Esquimalt and Halifax dockyards to berth these vessels. She said that a new jetty was under construction at Halifax, Canada's naval base on the Atlantic coast, and would be ready for use in the spring of 2019. Similar work is also underway for two new jetties at the naval facility in Esquimalt, which hosts the country's Pacific fleet, with this project expected to be completed in the late 2020s. “Work to establish a docking, replenishing and refueling facility in Nanisivik [in Canada's northern Nunavut territory] is well advanced and expected to be operational in 2019,” she added. According to Huebert, the new Arctic and offshore patrol ships are not designed to respond to an expanding Chinese (and Russian) submarine threat in the Arctic. “The vessels are important in providing Canada's navy with the opportunity to learn how to operate in the Arctic region,” he pointed out. However, to be able to counter the Chinese and the Russians in the Arctic waters, he said Canada would have to work closely with the United States to improve the underwater mission of NORAD (North American Aerospace Defense Command). “It was agreed in 2005 that NORAD would have a maritime detection mission, but there have been limited efforts to actually operationalize this requirement,” Huebert admitted, adding that prospects of any improvement in the immediate future were not that great, given the strained relations between US President Donald Trump's administration and the Canadian government. To complicate the issue, Washington asserts that the Northwest Passage is an international strait, and not Canadian territorial waters. “Nevertheless there will be a requirement to improve underwater detection systems, and those that can in fact operate at a distance from the northern section of North America,” Huebert said. “Given the range of new weapon systems that are now coming online, this will be an increasingly complicated challenge for the two North American countries.” Submarine deployment China launched its first home-built polar icebreaking vessel in September and is said to be working on a nuclear-powered icebreaking cargo vessel. A Chinese icebreaker made its way into the Canadian Arctic in August 2017. Professor Huebert noted that the Chinese navy actually has more icebreakers operational today than either the American or Canadian naval forces. More importantly, it has been reported that the Chinese are studying submarine technology for deployment in the Arctic waters. For Huebert, an increase in China's submarine activities in the polar region is a plausible scenario, and Ottawa should not underestimate it. “As the emerging naval challenger to the United States, China will inevitably develop a submarine capability to enter the Arctic,” he warned. In his view, China's new Type 094 and next-generation Type 096 nuclear-powered missile submarines will likely have “under-ice” capacities, posing a great threat to both Canada and the US. http://www.atimes.com/article/chinas-advances-in-arctic-may-pose-security-threat-to-canada/amp/

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  20 juillet 2020 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

  Why it is time for smart protectionism

  Put simply, Canadian governments have a responsibility to practise smart protectionism where the risks to Canadians' personal security and national security are high. Free trade is good economics. Protectionism is bad. Global supply chains are efficient. Favouring domestic goods, services and industries is inefficient. Canada has long adhered to these orthodoxies. And most of the time it makes sense to do so. However, through the COVID-19 pandemic, both the public and private sectors have seen weaknesses associated with heavy or total reliance on foreign sources and global supply chains for essential goods, notably personal protective equipment (PPE). As of June 2, for example, the Government of Canada had ordered close to 122 million N95 masks from international suppliers, yet 12 million had been received and 9.8 million of those failed Canadian standards. We are learning the hard way that foreign sources cannot necessarily supply the products we need in the time, quantity or quality required during a national or global emergency. China, as the dominant global producer of many of these PPE supplies, has become the focal point for an emerging debate around domestic control over certain goods, technologies, and services. A recent report from the Henry Jackson Society in the U.K., for example, has argued the “Five Eyes”—the U.S., U.K., Canada, Australia and New Zealand—are far too reliant on Chinese sources for all kinds of strategically important goods, and that this is a threat to the national security of those countries. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service, too, has warned that Canadian companies that produce certain critical technologies are vulnerable to foreign takeovers by entities with agendas hostile to Canada's interests. This is not just an issue with China, though. In Canada, we like to believe that in national or global crises we can rely on the U.S. or other allies for help. Canada, in other words, would be at or near the front of the line with allies. The COVID-19 pandemic, and the behavior of the U.S. and European countries, suggests this is naive. Italy, a founding EU member, requested and was denied face masks from the EU's stockpile at the peak of their COVID-19 outbreak. In April, a presidential executive order gave the U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency the power to “allocate to domestic use” several types of PPE that would otherwise be exported. U.S. produced masks bound for Germany, a close American ally, were reportedly diverted back while in transit. Ultimately, Canada was exempt from the U.S. order, but this episode should tell us that global emergencies can lead to “home front comes first” attitudes, even among our closest allies. Fundamentally, the issue comes down to one of efficiency versus necessity. Sometimes, in some areas of the economy, security of supply is more important than efficiency. While this thinking is new to most companies and governments in Canada, it is not new to Canadian companies working in defence and national security. The Canadian defence industry has long highlighted the need for focused sovereign production and control in key national security capabilities—in part to ensure security of supply—as our allies in the U.S., Europe and elsewhere have been doing for generations. The argument has fallen largely on deaf ears. There seems to be a greater aversion in Canada to any kind of protectionism than among our more pragmatic allies. There is also a belief that Canada can always rely on obtaining critical supplies from the U.S., owing to both our close trading relationship and bi-lateral defence agreements dating from the 1950s that purport to establish an integrated North American defence industrial base. Canada puts too much faith in these beliefs, to our peril. While we can still hold free trade and integrated global supply chains as the goal, we also need to recognize that this view of the economy does not always serve our national interests. Put simply, Canadian governments have a responsibility to practise smart protectionism where the risks to Canadians' personal security and national security are high. Christyn Cianfarani is president and CEO of the Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries (CADSI). The Hill Times https://www.hilltimes.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/072020_ht.pdf