Harris Corporation Awarded $51 Million Delivery Order to Provide Leading-Edge Tactical Communications Equipment to Central European Nation

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  9 avril 2020 | Local, Terrestre, Sécurité

  Why Canadians and Americans are buying guns during the coronavirus pandemic

  The COVID-19 pandemic has caused a surge in gun sales. Estimates based on background checks show that an estimated 2.6 million guns were sold in the United States in March. That is an 85 per cent increase over the same period last year. While there are no official numbers, gun stores in Canada have also reported increased sales. This has spurred some news media to draw comparisons between the two nations' gun-sales spikes, potentially stoking the fears of the Canadian public. This angst has been echoed by gun control groups in Canada that have expressed concerns regarding the impact of “increased access to guns” on public health. But few have noted the three key differences between the American and Canadian COVID-19 gun-sales spike. No. 1: Why are they buying? Canadians and Americans buy guns for different reasons. Over the past few decades, the United States has witnessed a transformation in its civilian gun culture. While in the past, gun ownership was mainly related to hunting and sports shooting, changes in laws and gun advertising have led to a rise in gun ownership for self-defence. In the 1970s, only 20 per cent of gun owners indicated self-defence as their primary reason for gun ownership. In the 1990s, following the explosion of laws that allowed Americans to carry guns outside the home, 46 per cent listed self-protection. More recent studies have shown that 76 per cent of gun owners now report protection as their primary motivation for gun ownership. The surge in first-time buyers suggests that many Americans buying guns during the pandemic are doing so due to concerns about self-defence, given fears of looting, violence and the government's capacity to deal with the crisis. With the absence of a gun-carry movement in Canada, this same shift has not taken place. The conditions under which guns can be used for self-defence in Canada are narrow, and the government stringently regulates not only firearms ownership, but the discourse surrounding guns. Self-defence is not a legal reason to acquire a firearm in Canada, and cannot be listed as a reason for firearms ownership on a Possession and Acquisition License (PAL) application. Though no research exists at this time, owners of gun stores who were interviewed by the media noted that Canadians are likely panic-buying due to a fear of shortages rather than a fear of violence, since the Canadian supply chain is heavily dependent on the United States. That means gun owners who might have waited to buy firearms and ammunition for target shooting over the summer or hunting this fall are buying them now. No. 2: How are they buying them? Another key difference between the bump in sales in Canada versus the U.S. is the requirements to purchase guns and ammunition. South of the border, most firearms legislation is made at the state level, with big differences in gun laws across the country. In many states, the only requirement to purchase a firearm from a licensed dealer is a federal background check, though states like California and Massachusetts have much stricter laws. In Canada, the bump in sales is limited to those who have already passed through the RCMP's extensive licensing regime. This process often takes up to six months and includes a weekend-long course, passing a written and practical test and reference checks. Canadian gun owners are subject to continuous automatic background checks as long as they hold the licence. So if somebody is legally purchasing a gun in Canada, it means the RCMP could find “no reasons why, in the interest of public safety, they should not possess a firearm.” No. 3: Who is buying what? Many of the people buying guns in the U.S. during the COVID-19 pandemic reported that it was their first time purchasing a gun. Furthermore, the majority of guns sold during the current boom have been handguns rather than long guns. Though it's a bit early to speculate, this could very well lead to even less support for gun control in the U.S., given that gun owners are unsurprisingly the least likely group to support gun control. In Canada, on the other hand, it is likely that only a small minority of gun purchases during the Canadian spike were first-time buyers given the time frame required to acquire a firearm licence in Canada. Statistics on the breakdown of handguns versus long gun purchases during the Canadian pandemic spike don't exist, but we can guess that most of the new guns purchased in Canada were long guns being used for hunting or sports shooting. That's because gun owners wishing to own handguns must have a special Restricted Possession and Acquisition License (RPAL) and maintain a membership at a shooting club, which can cost hundreds of dollars per year and limits handgun ownership to serious target shooters. Of Canada's 2.2 million licensed gun owners, only about a quarter have licences that allow them to purchase handguns. And so it's clear there are major differences between the gun purchase spikes in Canada and the U.S. during the COVID-19 pandemic. This will hopefully set anxious Canadian minds at ease and let everyone get back to focusing on more pressing problems. https://theconversation.com/why-canadians-and-americans-are-buying-guns-during-the-coronavirus-pandemic-135409

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  31 janvier 2019 | Local, C4ISR

  Contrats militaires fédéraux pour General Dynamics Mission Systems

  Dominique Lemoine - 30/01/2019 Trois contrats fédéraux de systèmes intégrés de technologies de l'information pour les Forces armées du Canada ont été attribués à General Dynamics Mission Systems, une entreprise qui est basée en Virginie aux États-Unis. Services publics et Approvisionnement Canada (SPAC) affirme que la valeur totale de ces trois contrats atteint 621,5 millions de dollars, et que ces derniers doivent « générer des retombées économiques », dont le « maintien » de 494 emplois à Ottawa et à Calgary. Selon SPAC, ces trois contrats de cinq ans visent à « fournir aux militaires l'équipement dont ils ont besoin pour s'acquitter de leur travail », et ils concernent « le soutien du système C4ISR de commandement, contrôle, communication, informatique, renseignement, surveillance et reconnaissance ». Le C4ISR est un « ensemble de systèmes tactiques intégrés qui est composé de réseaux interconnectés de systèmes d'information et de communication numériques », précise SPAC, qui soutient aussi que « l'Armée dépend de ces systèmes de communication et d'information pour diriger les opérations terrestres et obtenir l'information requise à cette fin ». Les contrats incluent un « soutien en ingénierie de cybersécurité », d'une valeur de 56,5 millions de dollars, pour « la protection des systèmes d'information et de données contre le vol et les dommages à l'information qu'ils contiennent ». Un deuxième contrat de 367,25 millions de dollars vise le « soutien en génie et intégration » pour « l'intégration du système de C4ISR terrestres ». Le troisième, d'une valeur de 197,75 millions, vise le « soutien du logiciel de transition », pour le « soutien logiciel servant à intégrer différents points de données, tels que les relevés GPS », et ce, « en un seul système qui favorisera la prise de décisions ». Selon le palier fédéral, l'Armée a « besoin des plus récentes technologies pour mieux comprendre son environnement d'opérations et détecter les menaces », le système tactique intégré C4ISR permet aux troupes « de rester en contact les unes avec les autres », ainsi qu'avec des alliés et leur quartier général, et les contrats vont permettre de développer des capacités dans le domaine de la « cyberrésilience ». https://www.directioninformatique.com/trois-contrats-militaires-federaux-pour-general-dynamics-mission-systems/65486

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  7 décembre 2018 | Local, Aérospatial, C4ISR

  Ottawa earmarks $20M to rejoin NATO airborne surveillance program

  Murray Brewster · CBC News The Liberal government has budgeted up to $20 million in this fiscal year to rejoin NATO's Airborne Early Warning and Control System (AWACS) program, reversing a Conservative-era budget cut in the name of alliance utility and solidarity. Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan and other senior officials recently appeared before a House of Commons committee to talk about the country's return to the long-standing alliance programme, which sees more than a dozen nations cost-share the operation of E3-A surveillance planes. New documents, released to CBC News under access to information law, show Canada has agreed to a partial return to the program through operations and support. It's a compromise decision that leaves the country's aerospace companies partly out in the cold — and one expert is questioning whether the reasons which led the former government to drop out of the program still exist. One of the major complaints voiced about the program behind closed doors in Stephen Harper's government had to do with NATO's reluctance to deploy the sophisticated surveillance aircraft on missions to Afghanistan and Iraq. The aircraft eventually were used for those missions, but not without considerable debate and what some Canadian officials saw as foot-dragging on NATO's part. 'A tough sell' Defence expert Dave Perry said that, going forward, the Liberals will have to justify this particular reinvestment more carefully. "If they don't actually use them in an operational context when it matters, then it's going to be a tough sell," he told CBC News. National Defence defends the decision to jump back into the program, saying in an email that "several things have changed, causing Canada to re-evaluate the relevancy" of its participation. A major factor is the introduction of the Liberal government's new defence policy, which emphasizes the need for better surveillance and reconnaissance. Canada had been part of the AWACS program for decades. When the Conservatives pulled the plug they cast the decision in economic terms, saying it had "little direct benefit." The planes were deployed in Europe and occasionally on other operations. The debate within the Harper government was over the logic of paying for a defence system that doesn't contribute directly to the defence of North America. "Accordingly, it is debatable whether it is appropriate for Canada to carry nearly 10 per cent of the programme, given that it is one of the two NATO members on the North American side of the Atlantic Ocean, and, as such, would benefit considerably less from AWACS than the 26 members on the European side," reads a March 22, 2016 internal government briefing note. NATO AWACS aircraft currently fly surveillance missions in support of reassurance measures in eastern Europe ordered after Russia's annexation of Crimea. The program is also providing "tailored assurance measures" for Turkey because of the crisis in Syria and is watching out for terrorist movement in the Mediterranean Sea. "I think time will tell, and it will depend on whether these aircraft are actually used," said Perry, an analyst at the Canadian Global Affairs Institute. "If they're not used, then it will be a struggle to justify Canadian participation, however good it is for wider burden-sharing within the alliance and support to allies." Business opportunities The internal briefing note shows the decision to quit in 2011 cost Canadian defence contractors the right to bid on hundreds of millions of dollars in work related to the modernization of observation planes, known for their distinctive radar domes. Rejoining the plan will allow Canadian companies a finite set of bidding opportunities, a National Defence spokeswoman said. "Canada did not regain access to AWACS-related industrial benefits for modernization and upgrade when it re-engaged with the program," said Jessica Lamirande in an email. "However, Canadian industry has regained eligibility to compete for contracts related to the operations and maintenance of the AWACS." The briefing shows Canada is, in some respects, being treated like a new member of the plan, which means Ottawa pays for operations and support of the aircraft "while the fleet modernization will continue to be the responsibility of the programme's current 16 members, who will retain all of the industrial benefits associated with the programme." Prior to the Liberal government's decision to return to the program, officials held out the hope that rejoining might "restore Canada's ability to bid on such contracts." Conservative defence critic James Bezan described the government's approach as a "half-measure" and said rejoining AWACS became necessary after the Ukrainian crisis. "They're not spending as much as we were and we're not getting the full benefits of industrial contracts," he said, noting the Commons defence committee pointed out that Canada was not getting everything it could out of NATO contract opportunities. "The Liberals are always late to the table and that's what we're seeing here." https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/awac-nato-surveillance-ukraine-1.4931098