18 juin 2019 | International, Aérospatial

Army Buys 9,000 Mini-Drones, Rethinks Ground Robots

WASHINGTON: This summer, Army soldiers will deploy to Afghanistan with air support literally in the palm of their hands: the 1.16-ounce Black Hornetmini-drone. New ground robots are entering service too, next year — not to fight but to haul supplies, at least at first — but field tests have convinced the Army to issue these often-cumbersome mechanical mules to specialists and only loan them to frontline troops as needed. By contrast, soldiers are so consistently and unequivocally enthused about the mini-drones that the Army is buying 9,000 systems — each with two drones — over three years to issue to its smallest and historically most vulnerable units, nine-man infantry squads.

The mini-drone and larger robots are all part of a wider revolution in the long-suffering infantry, a revolution sparked in large measure by former Defense Secretary Jim Mattis. The Marines, Mattis's old service, have issued upgraded 5.56 mm rifles and are adding a specialized drone operator to every rifle squad. The Army is going much farther, developing new 6.8 mm rifles, high-tech targeting goggles, virtual-reality training, and, of course, robots.

Now, none of these unmanned systems is truly autonomous, so they require a human to run them by remote control, which in turn requires a functioning battlefield network that hasn't been shut down by enemy jamming. The FLIR Black Hornet has a lot of automated functions and only flies short missions, so you don't need a soldier babysitting it all the time. Ground robots, however, require much more oversight, because they have to avoid rocks, bogs, tree stumps, and other obstacles that no unmanned air vehicle has to worry about and that artificial-vision software still struggles to spot. The Army is eager to improve the technology so that, instead of one soldier remote-controlling one robot, they can have one soldier overseeing a largely autonomous swarm. But even today's limited autonomy allows for big changes on the battlefield.

The palmtop Black Hornet — dubbed Soldier-Borne Sensor (SBS) by the Army — is already in the hands (literally) of a brigade of the elite 82nd Airborne that's about to deploy to Afghanistan. The second unit scheduled to get the mini-drone, starting this fall, is the 1st Security Force Assistance Brigade, which has already served in Afghanistan.

For the first time, a squad leader will have the ability to scout ahead by air before exposing human soldiers on the ground. The SBS has sensor options for both night and day, and it can fly about 20 minutes before needing to recharge.

But the squad-level mini-drone is just the entry model. Larger units will get larger, more capable, but also more expensive and more maintenance-hungry drones.

“Our vision is every echelon has unmanned aerial systems,” said Don Sando, civilian deputy to the commander of the Army's infantry and armor centerat Fort Benning, Ga. “The question is, how many?”

While squads get the Black Hornet SBS, platoons will get the slightly larger Short-Range Reconnaissance (SRR) drone, Sando and other Army officials told reporters in a conference call last week. A series of tests this month, September, and January will whittle six SRR competitors down to one that will enter service in April 2020. The winner must weigh three pounds or less, fly for 30 minutes, and be able to “perch and stare,” landing in a vantage point overlooking a target area so it can keep watch without burning through its flight time.

Companies will stick with the current RQ-11 Raven, which is still small enough that soldiers launch it by picking it up and throwing it.

Battalions currently use the Raven as well, but the Army plans to develop a new Long-Range Reconnaissance drone for them to use. The LRR isn't an official program yet, however.

Brigades currently have the RQ-7 Shadow, but that aging system needs a catapult to launch and a runway to land. It will be replaced by the Future Tactical Unmanned Aerial System (FTUAS), which takes off and lands vertically like a mini-helicopter, starting in 2021.

Divisions currently use the Grey Eagle, a variant of the venerable Predator, but the Army is experimenting with potential Advanced UAS drones to replace it too.

Ground Bots For Some

The Army is also fielding ground robots, but these machines are still much clumsier and harder to work with than aerial drones, so they're being issued only to specialist units. That includes what was formerly called the SquadMultipurpose Equipment Transport but is now renamed the Small Multipurpose Equipment Transport, because it's not going to belong to an individual squad.

The SMET, by either name, is still a small unmanned ground vehicle, about the size of a golf cart, designed to trundle along with the foot troops, hauling supplies and gear like an old-fashioned pack mule. It must carry 1,000 pounds of supplies and gear over 60 miles in 72 hours, trundling along with foot troops, and provide three kilowatts of power to recharge batteries for night vision goggles, radios, and other electronics.

Four competitors remain in contention: the Polaris MRZR, Howe & Howe Grizzly, HDT Wolf, and General Dynamics MUTT. “They're all viable candidates. They all met the standards of range, offloading power, silent watch capability, payload carrying,” Sando said. “Soldier feedback on all of them was very comparable with regard to what missions they're good for — and what conditions they're not appropriate for.”

The Army plans to field the winner starting next year to selected training centers, combat brigades, and support companies — but not infantry squads. “We found out in the operational tech demonstration [that] it can best be supported now at the battalion level,” Sando said, which is the lowest echelon of an infantry unit to include technical specialists such as a heavy weapons company. The Army's objective is to incorporate the new technologies without adding personnel to take care of them.

The issue with SMET is not just the maintenance the robots require — though that can be a large burden for a squad of nine — but also their limited mobility. “There are places where we ask our soldiers to go where nothing else can go... jungle terrain, steep embankments, water, and dense urban environments,” Sando said. “There are areas soldiers can walk and crawl and climb that we just couldn't put a vehicle of this size with them.”

The SMET remains very useful for long marches with heavy loads, the bane of infantry soldiers increasingly overburdened by body armor, ammunition, and electronics. Being able to recharge gear from the robot instead of carrying several days' worth of batteries for every item of equipment is itself a significant reduction in weight. Future SMET variants, Sando said, might carry long-range sensors, communications relays, or even weapons.

But when foot troops have to go places you can only go on foot, they need to be able to leave the robot vehicles behind and let someone else take care of them. By contrast, Sando said, “the Soldier-Borne Sensor is smaller than a pack of cigarettes, [so] I can use it when I need it, I can put it back.”

https://breakingdefense.com/2019/06/army-buys-9000-mini-drones-for-squads-rethinks-ground-robots-for-2020/

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28 janvier 2019 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité, Autre défense

Le Brexit déjà en marche dans la politique européenne de défense
(B2 – exclusif) Peu importe les émois à Westminster et les tourments de Downing Street, ou la conduite sans ceinture du Prince Philippe, dans le domaine des opérations de stabilisation menées par l'Union européenne (au titre de la PSDC), le départ des Britanniques est désormais bien engagé et devrait se terminer bientôt Un mouvement engagé Le transfert du QG de l'opération anti-piraterie Première concernée, la plus emblématique, l'opération anti-piraterie de l'UE (alias EUNAVFOR Atalanta) va déménager de Northwood (près de Londres) à la Rota et à Brest, le commandant britannique cédant sa place au commandant espagnol avec un second français. Le QG de La Rota est en pleine préparation, le QG secondaire de Brest — qui accueille la liaison avec la marine marchande — également. Les officiers ont commencé à rejoindre leur poste. Le « tuilage » est en cours, selon nos informations (lire : La revanche de Trafalgar). Le changement de commandement en Bosnie-Herzégovine Deuxième concernée, l'opération EUFOR Althea en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Plus discrète, après avoir été l'opération phare (de l'OTAN sous le nom IFOR) et de l'Union européenne, elle ne rassemble plus aujourd'hui que 600 hommes maximum. Elle n'en est pas moins importante, car un « poste d'observation » important de ce qui se passe dans les Balkans, notamment en matière de retour des combattants étrangers. Un Français va prendre la tête de l'opération, à partir du QG de l'OTAN à Mons (le SHAPE). Un petit noyau de Français est aussi prévu à Sarajevo au sein de l'état-major de la force (lire : Le retour de la France dans l'opération de l'UE en Bosnie-Herzégovine). L'abandon d'un poste de numéro 2 en Somalie Enfin, au sein de la mission civile EUCAP Somalia chargée d'assurer le conseil et la formation des Somaliens pour la sécurité maritime, le poste de numéro 2 assuré par un Britannique est en voie de changer de main, selon nos informations. Les Britanniques ne pouvant assurer de poste de commandement des opérations européennes. Le retrait du planning des battlegroups De même, en matière de force de réaction rapide de l'UE, les Britanniques se sont retirés du tour d'astreinte des battlegroups (lire : La prise d'astreinte française au battlegroup 2019 se prépare). Du personnel détaché au titre d'un pays tiers Des Britanniques resteront dans quelques unes de ces missions et opérations qu'ils estiment ‘stratégiques', en particulier celles déployées en Somalie et dans l'Océan indien. Mais en tant que pays tiers, dès que le Brexit sera consommé. Un officier britannique de la marine marchande devrait ainsi être positionné à Brest, chargé d'assurer le lien (précieux) avec toutes les structures britanniques de la marine marchande. Et dans la mission EUCAP Somalia, Londres entend détacher un de ses officiers pour occuper le poste de chef des opérations. Une transition en douceur Dans toutes ces opérations et missions, le départ des Britanniques est désormais non seulement acté, mais leur remplacement est assuré, sans difficulté. Il est difficile désormais, voire quasi impossible, de faire machine arrière. Les Britanniques ont perdu leur tour. Difficile de faire machine arrière Si le Brexit devait être repoussé, il ne changera pas les changements opérés dans les commandements : la relève est déjà en place. Les Britanniques qui occupaient ces positions ont déjà (ou vont) retrouver d'autres fonctions dans l'armée britannique, l'OTAN ou d'autres opérations multinationales. Et dans les générations de force actuelles, ce serait un pari insensé pour les planificateurs britanniques de miser sur une possible annulation ou prolongation longue du Brexit pour faire de nouvelles offres de participation importante. Quelques leçons du départ A cette transition en douceur, si en douceur qu'elle passe inaperçue, on peut tirer d'ores-et-déjà quelques leçons. Premièrement, contrairement à ce qu'avaient affirmé certains dignitaires britanniques, assis confortablement dans leurs sièges en cuir dans des ministères londoniens, et quelques observateurs, peu au fait du fonctionnement réel de l'Union européenne, l'apport britannique dans les missions et opérations de l'Europe de la défense reste modeste. Il peut être facilement compensé, avec juste un peu de bonne volonté de quelques pays membres. Deuxièmement, le départ britannique consacre en fait le retour français dans des opérations et missions qu'ils avaient, ces dernières années, un peu délaissées. Au final, il reste tout de même un pincement au cœur. Les officiers de sa Royale Majesté, croisés durant ces années, m'ont toujours fait bonne impression, avec ce mélange de courtoisie, de rudesse, d'ironie et d'enthousiasme qui fait le charme et l'efficacité de l'armée outre-Manche. Dommage... (Nicolas Gros-Verheyde) https://www.bruxelles2.eu/2019/01/28/le-brexit-deja-en-marche-pour-la-defense/
24 juillet 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

$21B for defense reportedly included in COVID aid proposal
By: Joe Gould WASHINGTON ― The White House and Senate Republicans are nearing an agreement on a $1 trillion-plus economic rescue proposal that would also seek $21 billion for defense, according to a draft obtained by the New York Times on Thursday. The emerging GOP proposal would include $11 billion in payments to contractors under the Section 3610 of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security Act, which allowed firms serving the federal government to seek reimbursement for pandemic-related expenses. However, amid reports of internal divisions―over the defense money and other aspects―Republicans delayed the rollout to at least next week. Defense trade associations, along with dozens of industry executives, have conducted a vocal lobbying effort across government to secure the money as they grapple with the economic damage wrought by the coronavirus pandemic. It was unclear from the draft document — essentially a list of priorities and amounts — what the remainder of the defense funding would be for. The line item in the draft read only: “$20 billion — Defense total ($11 billion of which is for 3610 payments to contractors.” The funding follows $10.5 billion the Pentagon previously received under the CARES Act. The emerging proposal would include another round of stimulus payments to individuals, additional aid to small businesses and a partial extension of enhanced unemployment benefits, according to a summary circulating on Capitol Hill that was obtained by the New York Times. The defense portion would be a boon to the Pentagon and its suppliers, but it's by no means a done deal. The White House and Senate Republicans, which took months to draft the proposal, faced more delays this week over internal disagreements ― as well as coming negotiations with Democrats, who have sought as much as $3.5 trillion for coronavirus relief. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, meeting with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., and White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, told reporters that staff are working to finalize text of the agreement, which was expected to be released as a group of bills instead of one piece of legislation. Underscoring the difficulties, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., on Thursday rejected the GOP's “piecemeal” approach, saying the proposal fell “very short.” It omits Democratic priorities like food assistance, aid to prevent evictions, hazard pay for essential workers, and aid to states and communities, they said. Since officials with the Department of Defense have called for defense reimbursements in the low double-digit billions, warning that they would otherwise have to raid modernization and readiness accounts for the funding, some analysts have predicted Congress would address the need. “We expect the Senate's version of the next COVID-19 relief package to include money for Section 3610 impacts and related cost impacts,” Roman Schweizer of the Cowen Group wrote Thursday in a note to investors. “We think this money will be small compared to the total cost of the bill (~$1T+) and will be included in the final bill. This will be positive for defense [firms] and allow DoD to protect investment accounts. We expect a lengthy, complicated process for cost recovery.” In a Senate floor speech earlier in the week, Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Jim Inhofe said Congress ought to follow through on Section 3610 with appropriations, or risk delays and cost overruns in weapons programs as well as attrition in the defense industry's workforce. “Defense industrial companies have done a great job in ensuring that their suppliers — primarily thousands of small businesses — stay open and keep their employees paid,” said Inhofe, R-Okla. “In the CARES Act, we gave DoD the authority and the tools to reimburse these companies to keep the defense workforce strong. But the DoD needs money to use these tools.” https://www.defensenews.com/congress/2020/07/23/21b-for-defense-in-draft-covid-aid-proposal-report/
11 octobre 2023 | International, Sécurité

Israel anxiously watches its northern border for warning signs of a wider regional war | CBC News
Israel's northern border with Lebanon and Syria represents a potential flashpoint in the conflict that erupted over the weekend — one that experts say bears watching over the next several days because it could be a harbinger of a wider regional war in the Middle East.

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