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June 2, 2023 | International, Other Defence

US debt ceiling deal strands $16 billion of defense side-projects

A $16 billion list of lower-priority defense items like tanks, helicopter upgrades and a ship, that would normally be paid for as part of the defense budget, could go unfunded after the U.S. passed a landmark bill that lifts the debt ceiling but curbs federal spending.

https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-debt-ceiling-deal-strands-16-bln-defense-side-projects-2023-06-02/

On the same subject

  • Barkhane : déploiement imminent du système de mini-drones de reconnaissance

    December 11, 2020 | International, Aerospace

    Barkhane : déploiement imminent du système de mini-drones de reconnaissance

    La STAT (section technique de l'armée de terre) a révélé que le SMDR (système de mini-drones de reconnaissance) sera déployé dans les prochains jours sur le thé'tre sahélien. Barkhane. La section technique de l'armée de Terre a reçu l'AJD (association des journalistes professionnels de défense) le mercredi 9 décembre sur le plateau de Satory. A cette occasion, le Général Vidaud, commandant de la STAT, a annoncé que le SMDR, système de mini-drones de reconnaissance, sera déployé en opération dans les prochains jours, avant la fin du mois de décembre. Le SMDR et l'équipe de marque qui l'accompagnera seront ainsi projetés sur le thé'tre de l'opération Barkhane. La durée de projection des équipes de la STAT est estimée à un mois, mais pourrait évoluer en fonction des besoins sur place. Emploi opérationnel. Le déploiement du SMDR par une équipe de la STAT permettra de « vérifier que l'équipement peut être employé de manière opérationnelle », nous explique ainsi le Général Vidaud. L'ambition est ainsi de pouvoir transférer le matériel vers les forces tout en les accompagnant dans cette prise en main, via un appui des équipes de la STAT. Cela représentera donc la dernière étape de l'opérationnalisation du SMDR avant son transfert complet vers l'armée de Terre. Evalué par le groupement renseignement de la STAT, le SMDR est très attendu par les forces. Les systèmes de mini-drones de reconnaissance « seront mis en œuvre par les sections mini-drones des batteries d'acquisition et de surveillance des régiments d'artillerie et par le 61e régiment d'artillerie », détaillait en juin dernier la DGA. Alors que le programme avait pris du retard puisque les premiers systèmes étaient attendus pour 2019, la DGA annonçait le 16 juin dernier, lors de la livraison à l'armée de Terre des trois premiers systèmes (un système correspondant à trois drones et une station sol), un déploiement opérationnel avant fin 2020. Un engagement respecté de justesse. Modernisation des moyens de renseignement. Le SMDR viendra ainsi remplacer le DRAC (drone de reconnaissance au contact) dont l'entrée en service remonte à 2008. Ce renouvellement des moyens permettra de doter l'armée de Terre de moyens plus performants. Alors que le DRAC disposait d'une heure d'autonomie pour 10 km de portée, le SMDR peut mener des missions de trois heures, pour 30 km de portée. Au total ce sont 35 systèmes qui ont été commandés par le Ministère des Armées. « Déployer des drones tels que le Patroller ou le SMDR sur Barkhane, c'est sauver des vies. Les moyens de surveillance manquent en BSS », déclarait ainsi dans nos colonnes le colonel Marc Bonnet, chef de corps du 61e RA, en juin dernier. https://www.air-cosmos.com/article/barkhane-dploiement-imminent-du-systme-de-mini-drones-de-reconnaissance-23965

  • What the Pentagon should (and should not) get in the next stimulus bill

    April 28, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    What the Pentagon should (and should not) get in the next stimulus bill

    By: Mackenzie Eaglen As Washington begins to draft another stimulus spending bill to combat coronavirus, the Pentagon needs a new plan to articulate its needs to lawmakers. Simply submitting unfunded lists whole cloth comes across as tone deaf and opportunistic. A better plan would be to focus on the health, safety and continuity of all the Pentagon's workforce: uniformed, civilian and contractor. Capitol Hill is (virtually) busy as ever these days, completing another injection of funds into the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security Act last week. Congress and the White House will now begin formulating a phase 4 bill. President Donald Trump and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi have indicated they would both like to see domestic infrastructure spending inside. Negotiations are just beginning, but this bill will open the spending aperture compared to the CARES Act. For national defense, this legislation must focus on taking care of people and protecting jobs. Even as the U.S. military mobilizes to support the fight against COVID-19, the disease is hitting the Defense Department and its workforce much the same as the rest of America. The first order of business is for the Pentagon to ensure health and wellness for service members, their families, civilians and contractors by encouraging safe and flexible work policies. The Pentagon will need additional funding to pay for COVID-19 support deployments, mitigate the effects of stop-movement orders, increase the availability of personal protective equipment and sanitation, and expand its IT infrastructure for telework. Second, Congress and the Pentagon should provide financial assistance to the thousands of small businesses, subcontractors and suppliers to defense contractors building weapons, conducting maintenance or developing classified software. The defense-industrial base is built for maximum efficiency, not resiliency. Even seemingly minor production pauses of weeks are combining with broader quarantine restrictions to wreak havoc on program schedules. While the Pentagon has many tools at its disposal — accelerating awards and progress payments as well as lifting contracting restrictions — the acquisition team simply cannot respond to this crisis without more resources available. Absent additional liquidity, contractors face the impossible choice between letting workers go or facing the reality that they will have no jobs to return to. Small businesses and subcontractors are particularly vulnerable, as they have far less slack to respond to crises. Many live contract to contract, as indicated by a 2018 Department of Defense report on industrial base fragility. These small firms providing needed materials, labor and technology to companies designated as “essential” are struggling with COVID like everyone else. Their employees are either afraid to come to work out of fear of contraction and contagion, or they're sick with the virus. The vicious cycle — where people want to work but can't — means schedules slip. If there is no work, there is no revenue, which means layoffs. Already around the country, a major defense contractor had to shut down two plants; a shipbuilder is struggling to get employees to show up; another defense firm has laid off employees; and still others can't get to work because classified spaces are off limits. To ensure workforces remain intact, lawmakers need to move quickly to pay contractors who cannot work because of COVID-19 effects, as delays are now averaging three months. Fixing this is as simple as measuring the impact of COVID-19 on contracts and ensuring a reasonable payment for that delay, which will be billions of dollars, according to acquisition czar Ellen Lord. It's no different than legal remedies for “acts of God.” Also, the DoD can consider a subset of its unfunded priorities list to get projects on contract that are executable very quickly and inject liquidity into the defense contractor workforce. These unfunded priorities run the gamut, from weapons production to software development. Similarly, there are always “incremental” projects that can be accelerated, like facilities sustainment and depot maintenance. Using unfunded priorities to inject liquidity into the defense-industrial base isn't the ideal tool, but all options must be brought to bear to deal with this crisis. The majority of defense dollars allocated to the big prime contractors go back out the door to their suppliers and vendors — many of which are small businesses. While many of the easiest financial levers to pull involve getting contracts to primes, Congress and the Pentagon need to emphasize that this money — whether it be new contracts, accelerated contracts or increased progress payments — must be passed on to major suppliers and subcontractors. If the behemoths of defense industry don't share the wealth and take care of their supply chain, there won't be more money, contracts or authority for additional progress payments from Congress. Contractor leadership must take care of workers — including those of its vendors. Lastly, Congress can provide Defense Production Act Title III funding to directly target injections of cash to the emergent needs of small businesses and subcontractors, including many up-and-coming innovative firms and single-source suppliers. So far, DPA funding has been focused on contracting for additional personal protective equipment, but the DPA was equally built to protect the defense-industrial base. The industrial base was already hurt by the Budget Control Act, and it's been busy rebuilding under Trump, only to get whacked again by COVID-19. Employees need to know the work is there, their safety is a priority and their jobs are safe. If the Pentagon and primes don't take care of their suppliers and subcontractors, the defense-industrial base will contract again, losing crucial skills and talents permanently — and possibly seeing those companies bought up by China. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/04/27/what-the-pentagon-should-and-should-not-get-in-the-next-stimulus-bill/

  • South Korea eyes mixed fleet of manned, unmanned warplanes

    February 26, 2024 | International, Aerospace

    South Korea eyes mixed fleet of manned, unmanned warplanes

    The South Korean military's growing interest in manned-unmanned teaming comes amid a declining pool of 18-year-old conscripts.

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