SCAF : Un accord entre Dassault Aviation et Airbus sur le futur avion de combat est-il possible? - Zone Militaire

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  September 10, 2019 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

  DSEI: US Navy makes a major breakthrough in autonomous weaponry

  By: David B. Larter LONDON — The U.S. Navy has achieved a major milestone in its efforts to autonomously combat one of the most persistent threats it faces, the service's deputy head of the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations' mine warfare office said Monday. The Navy successfully demonstrated what's known as single-sortie mine hunting, which sends out an autonomous boat to sweep for mines with a sonar system, detect a mine-like object, classify it and then deploy another system that destroys the mine, according to Stephen Olson. It's a significant achievement in the yearslong effort to “get the man out of the minefield” by deploying robots to perform a job traditionally performed by manned minesweepers and highly trained divers. Beyond the safety benefits, it also quickens the process. The successful test opens up the possibility of having a small cadre of human operators who can oversee whole packs of robots as they sweep minefields on their own. “That single-sortied, detect-to-engage was a great example of something that would represent supervisory [control of unmanned systems],” Olson said. “It was a small group [of people] who oversaw the entire effort: Multiple systems were in operation together, working together and cueing each other.” When reached for comment on the successful test, the Navy would not divulge further details. “Currently the Navy cannot disclose any further details of the test beyond what Mr. Olson described,” Navy spokeswoman Lt. Brittany Stephens said. The systems under development in the pursuit of single-sortie mine hunting are Textron's Common Unmanned Surface Vehicle, or CUSV, about the size of a bass boat, which deploys Raytheon's AQS-20 sonar system to detect the mines. After an operator authorizes an engagement, the Barracuda Expendable Mine Neutralizer is deployed to autonomously reacquire and destroy the mine. “If you are familiar with mine warfare, it's painfully slow,” Olson said to an audience at the DSEI conference in London. “When leadership says, ‘We need to clear a minefield,' and you say, ‘How long do I have?,' they look at their watch when they should pull out a calendar. I'm going to tell them it is going to take weeks, and they're going to say: ‘I need it done now.' " In May, a Raytheon executive told Defense News that the company was closing in on demonstrating the capability. “All three of these pieces are maturing right around the same time,” Randy Brandenburg, a Raytheon business development executive with its Seapower Capability Systems division, said at the time. “We're working hard to put this together and we'll be demonstrating some of this ... this summer.” ‘Huge vulnerability' The Navy is also moving in on the ability to deliver an effective counter-mine mission package to the littoral combat ship, albeit more than a decade late. The mine-hunting mission package for LCS was supposed to achieve its initial operational capability declaration in 2008. But perhaps more importantly, the service may finally have an effective solution to combating a threat that has bedeviled it for years: cheap mines. “In the past it has been mostly divers — we'd sent [explosive ordnance disposal teams] out to go neutralize mines by putting some kind of charge on it,” said Bryan Clark, a retired submarine officer and analyst with the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. “It's a hugely complicated, multistage operation with a lot of people involved. So going to single-sortie mine hunting, you are really saving a lot of time, certainly by at least a third the time it takes to clear an area that has mines in it. “You can now transition to a purely unmanned mine-clearance operation where I have a ship that has the AQS-20 getting towed behind the CUSV, searches for [a] mine and the CUSV can send out a mine-neutralization torpedo.” The breakthrough with single-sortie will mean the Navy is only limited by how many robots it can buy to do the job. “It's big not just because it gets people out of the minefield but because it's scalable now,” Clark said. “Once you take the people out the minefield, now you can search as big a minefield as I have unmanned vehicles, whereas in the past you were limited by how many minesweepers I have and how many humans I have to operate them. Scalability was constrained.” Ultimately, getting this mission right will prove that autonomous systems can have an impact on war fighting, Clark added. “This is the mission that the Navy absolutely had to get autonomous systems to go do,” he said. “It's crazy to have humans go out and remove mines. It's dangerous, it's not scalable, it takes forever — it's just a huge vulnerability that the Navy [has] that could be exploited by even the most primitive opponents. https://www.defensenews.com/digital-show-dailies/dsei/2019/09/10/the-us-navy-just-had-a-major-breakthrough-with-autonomous-weapons/

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  November 3, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

  What the defense industry is seeing and saying about the election

  By: Joe Gould WASHINGTON ― Anyone will tell you this is the most important election in U.S. history ― unless they happen to run a major American defense firm. In earnings call after earnings call, defense industry executives projected calm ahead of Tuesday's election, mainly because they see the coronavirus pandemic carrying greater uncertainty (especially for firms with commercial aviation businesses). But another reason is that, despite wide projections of flat 2021 defense budgets no matter who controls the White House, industry is confident in the Pentagon's commitment to modernization. “We continue to believe that bipartisan support for defense spending will endure and that our portfolio is well-aligned to support our National Defense Strategy,” Northrop Grumman CEO Kathy Warden said in remarks typical of third-quarter earnings calls last week. “While we plan for various budget scenarios, defense spending is largely threat-driven and today's threat environment warrants a strong defense. Emerging threats are intensifying, and we believe both political parties are committed to effectively countering these threats.” If defense firms are upbeat, then Wall Street seems skeptical, with pure-play defense firms down this year and lagging the stock market, said Capital Alpha Partners' aerospace and defense analyst Byron Callan. Partisan gridlock, he noted, is what led to the budget caps that bedeviled federal budgeting for the last decade. “You could argue that some of this underperformance is related to concerns about what the election's outcome could be. Even if the president wins, no one's predicting the House will flip, and then you'll still have gridlock in Congress,” Callan said. “Let's say there's a 50-50 split in the Senate. Things can get pretty sporty.” Defense executives were comfortable making warm predictions about 2021, but the lack of comment about 2022 and 2023 was telling, said Callan. Also, Pentagon officials have warned they will have to tap modernization and readiness funds if Congress does not appropriate about $10 billion for defense contractors' coronavirus-related expenses. So why didn't any CEOs use their earnings calls to amplify that message? “That was one of the dogs that didn't bark here. Either industry doesn't see it as an issue, or that it's inevitable it's not going to happen," Callan said. With Democrats readying to debate steep defense cuts if they sweep the election, the expectation is that swollen national deficits ― driven by pandemic aid and Republican-led tax cuts ― will pressure the defense budget downward. But industry is banking on Washington's drive to prepare militarily for a rising China, a disruptive Russia and an unpredictable North Korea. “Whether it's flat with a little bit of rise or flat with a little bit of fall may depend on the election, but I think that's a fairly narrow space you're working in politically, given the deficit and the threat vectors,” Bill Lynn, the CEO of defense and aerospace conglomerate Leonardo DRS, said in an interview. Lynn is a former deputy defense secretary and Raytheon lobbyist. Though there's been speculation Democrats would cut defense spending, former vice president Joe Biden, who is running against Republican President Donald Trump, would face pressure not to for economic and political reasons, said Michael Herson, president and chief executive at American Defense International, a defense lobbying firm. (Biden has said, if elected, he doesn't foresee major defense cuts.) “The first thing that Biden's going to worry about is COVID and the economic recovery,” Herson said in an interview. “So do you really want to touch defense spending, and add to your economic woes ― because it increases unemployment ― in the first year of your presidency?” Defense Secretary Mark Esper has warned that a flat budget will force the armed services to make budgetary trade-offs and likely cuts to legacy programs. But the Pentagon has also communicated a commitment to modernization, and that's part of industry's confidence. In September, Northrop won a $13.3 billion award for the Ground Based Strategic Deterrent program, the U.S. Air Force's effort to replace the LGM-30G Minuteman III intercontinental ballistic missile. But some Democrats have attempted to defund it, and investors grilled executives about the program's post-election survival prospects ― and those of Northrop's B-21 Raider. Warden, Northrop's CEO, argued the nuclear triad becomes more of a budgetary priority when conventional military forces are under pressure. “So we're confident that a new administration would recognize that value and continue to support the modernization efforts that are well underway for both GBSD and B-21,” she said. The Pentagon over recent years has oriented itself toward technological competition with China, with related investments in artificial intelligence, next-generation networks, cybersecurity and space. Companies did not see signs of that momentum reversing. “The government doesn't pivot on a dime,” Booz Allen Hamilton's chief financial officer, Lloyd Howell Jr., told investors. “And a lot of the programs that we currently support ... are increasingly tied to their missions, which is politically agnostic.” The CEO of infrared imaging maker FLIR Systems, Jim Cannon, acknowledged there will be “top-line pressure on the budget ... no matter what happens with the election,” but he put stock in Army leaders' assurances that the service must remedy long-underfunded modernization efforts. “The message that was sent out to industry loud and clear is that, after four decades largely without significant modernization transformation, now is the time,” Cannon said. “And if we look at the priorities that we're aligned against and the work that we've been doing for the past two years, we think we're well positioned there. But look: I agree there's a lot of uncertainty, a lot of work yet for us to do, but that's our perspective right now.” When asked, L3Harris downplayed how a drawdown from Afghanistan ― which Trump and Biden both favor ― or hypothetical cuts to end strength would impact the sales of radios or night vision goggles. “We're not even 40 percent through the modernization ramp with radio. So even if end strength comes down, as I expect it likely will, I don't think it's going to affect the growth rate in our radio business,” said CEO Bill Brown, arguing that night vision goggles and radios had “under-penetrated the force.” “So if anything, reduced end strength might actually free up some dollars to be put onto modernization investments that really affect a broad part of our business,” he added. Executives at companies without a stake in a specific major platform had a good story to tell, and several pointed to investments in cybersecurity or artificial intelligence. Leonardo DRS' Lynn said the firm's investments in communications, sensors and computing systems had made it “ambidextrous." "We can go in any direction,” he said. “The larger companies have greater exposure across the breadth of the defense budget. We're more in targeted areas and haven't got broad exposure. “We're in Army sensors, satellite communications; we're in 10 or 12 segments. We can be targeted, and frankly in a flat budget environment, that ability to target's important to grow at all.” https://www.defensenews.com/congress/2020/11/02/what-the-defense-industry-is-seeing-and-saying-about-the-election/

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  June 25, 2020 | International, C4ISR, Security

  Senate wants better threat sharing between Pentagon and industry

  Andrew Eversden The Department of Defense would be required to establish a threat intelligence sharing program with the defense industrial base under the Senate Armed Services Committee's version of the annual defense policy bill. The committee's version of the fiscal 2021 National Defense Authorization Act, released June 23, also includes other several other provisions designed to give the department increased insight into the cyber hygiene of its contractors. For example, the legislation would direct the Secretary of Defense to establish a threat intelligence program “to share threat intelligence with, and obtain threat intelligence from, the defense industrial base.” This program would be required to include a mechanism for developing shared and real-time insight into the threat environment, as well as a “joint, collaborative, and co-located analytics.” The program would also direct the DoD to invest in technology to advance automated threat detection and analysis capabilities for defense contractors. The program proposed in the Senate NDAA stems from a similar recommendation made by the Cyberspace Solarium Commission's final report, a congressionally mandated document that suggested a comprehensive overhaul of U.S. cyber strategy. That group recommended the DoD force contractors to participate in a threat intelligence sharing program. “The program's ideal end state is to leverage U.S. government intelligence collection to create a better understanding of adversaries' intelligence collection requirements,” the report read. “This action would help DoD and the intelligence community anticipate where adversaries will seek to collect against DIB targets, and then communicate that information to DIB network owners and operators so that they can proactively defend against impending adversary activities.” Under the Senate bill, participation in the program would be based on cybersecurity levels assigned to contractors under the Pentagon's Cybersecurity Maturity Model Certification initiative, a new program pushing new cybersecurity requirements on contractors. To increase the participation in the program, the DoD would also have to “prioritize” available funding and support to help affect organizations participate. The department would be required to produce a report on the program by March 2022. The Senate bill also included language that would direct the DoD's principal cyber adviser to develop a plan to deploy commercial-off-the-shelf sensors to DIB networks to monitor the cybersecurity of their public-facing websites by February 2021. In addition, the bill directs the department to assess the feasibility of threat hunting on DIB networks by December 2021. https://www.c4isrnet.com/cyber/2020/06/24/senate-wants-better-threat-sharing-between-pentagon-and-industry/