Lockheed gets Microsoft classified cloud to speed work with Pentagon

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  August 20, 2019 | International, Aerospace

  AeroVironment Receives $45 Million Raven B Unmanned Aircraft Systems Contract Award for U.S. Army Security Force Assistance Brigades

  SIMI VALLEY, Calif.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--AeroVironment, Inc. (NASDAQ:AVAV), a global leader in unmanned aircraft systems for both defense and commercial applications, today announced it received a firm fixed-price contract award on July 25, 2019 valued at $45,190,881 for RQ-11B Raven® small unmanned aircraft systems (UAS) and initial spares packages. AeroVironment received the contract award from the United States Army for its Security Force Assistance Brigades (SFAB). Delivery is anticipated by January 2020. The SFAB are specialized units with the core mission to conduct training, advising, assisting, enabling and accompanying operations with allied and partner nations. “Raven is the most widely deployed small unmanned aircraft system in the United States Department of Defense's fleet,” said Rick Pedigo, vice president, sales and business development for AeroVironment. “Our family of small unmanned aircraft systems supports all U.S. military services and more than 45 allied nations. Every day, AeroVironment small UAS provide the actionable intelligence our customers need to proceed with certainty.” In a report published by the United States Army on July 24, 2019, Sgt. Jordan Aguiar, a cavalry scout assigned to Alpha Troop of the 2nd Squadron, 101st Cavalry Regiment, said the Raven is more agile and less detectable than larger and more costly unmanned aircraft. Soldiers use it to conduct battlefield reconnaissance and provide their units with a greater level of security. Sgt. Foluke Marsh added, “If you need to have eyes on a target, or eyes on a convoy to make sure everything is safe, it's good to send out the Raven instead of risking someone getting hurt or killed.” AeroVironment's Raven is a fully man-portable, hand-launched small unmanned aircraft system designed for land-based operations. First adopted by the U.S. Army in 2005, Raven is now used by more than 25 countries across the globe. Weighing just over four pounds, with a wingspan of 4.5 feet and with a flying range of 10 kilometers, it is the most prolific small unmanned aircraft system deployed across the U.S. Department of Defense. The Raven system provides operators with real-time intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, delivering color or infrared video and still imagery to its operator via a hand-held ground control unit and to remote viewing stations, and uses a GPS system for pre-programmed or manual navigation. About AeroVironment Small UAS The RQ-11B Raven®, RQ-12A Wasp® and RQ-20A/B Puma™ comprise AeroVironment's Family of Small Unmanned Aircraft Systems. Operating with a common ground control system (GCS), this Family of Systems provides increased capability to the warfighter that can give ground commanders the option of selecting the appropriate aircraft based on the type of mission to be performed. This increased capability has the potential to provide significant force protection and force multiplication benefits to small tactical units and security personnel. AeroVironment provides logistics services worldwide to ensure a consistently high level of operational readiness. AeroVironment has delivered thousands of new and replacement small unmanned air vehicles to customers within the United States and to more than 45 allied governments. About AeroVironment, Inc. AeroVironment (NASDAQ:AVAV) provides customers with more actionable intelligence so they can proceed with certainty. Based in California, AeroVironment is a global leader in unmanned aircraft systems and tactical missile systems, and serves defense, government, and commercial customers. For more information visit www.avinc.com. https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20190819005153/en/

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  February 11, 2019 | International, Aerospace

  German F-35 decision sacrifices NATO capability for Franco-German industrial cooperation

  By: Hans Binnendijk and Jim Townsend While the German decision last week to remove the Lockheed Martin F-35 from consideration as a replacement for 90 aging Tornado fighters solidifies Franco-German industrial cooperation, it could come at the expense of making Germany's Luftwaffe a less capable air force until at least 2040, when a new advanced Franco-German fighter becomes available. The decision also places German domestic political considerations ahead of Germany's leadership role in NATO. This would be understandable for a nation that does not perceive a significant military threat from Russia, but it is disturbing for those who emphasize the need to maximize NATO's deterrent posture in the East. The decision should be reconsidered. After removing the F-35 (and also the older F-15) from consideration, Germany now has three choices. It can augment its planned 177 Eurofighter Typhoon fleet with up to 90 additional Typhoons adapted for suppression of enemy air defense and electronic warfare missions. That fleet of some 267 Typhoons would simplify servicing and training, but it could also ground the entire German fighter fleet should major structural problems appear in the aircraft. The Typhoon has had considerable readiness problems: Germany would be putting all of its fighter eggs in one basket. Germany could alternatively buy 90 Boeing F-18s (Super Hornets and Growlers), which is still under active German consideration. That decision would provide better air-to-ground and electronic-warfare capabilities for Germany than the additional Typhoons. But it would still leave Germany behind without a fifth-generation fighter as other allies move onto the future of air power. Or Germany could buy some mix of additional Typhoons and F-18s. Today, Germany flies no U.S.-built aircraft, and some observers are betting against the F-18 for that reason. These three remaining alternatives are all second best from the perspective of maximizing Germany's air power and its leadership among NATO air forces. Operationally, the F-35 is by far the best airplane in this mix. It has stealth and battle-management capabilities that are a generation ahead of the Typhoon or F-18. It is a force multiplier that enhances the capabilities of lesser allied aircraft. If the Luftwaffe needs to penetrate heavy air defenses in a future fight, their pilots would be more secure in the F-35. The Luftwaffe without F-35s would be hard-pressed to fight alone in a contested air environment. Currently eight NATO nations have agreed to purchase the F-35. Those nations will have highly interoperable fifth-generation aircraft. They will provide for the elite fighters in future NATO air-superiority and defense-suppression missions. Without the F-35, Germany will be absent from that elite group, and German pilots would probably be given only secondary missions. The F-35 also has advantages to perform Germany's NATO nuclear mission. The ability of the F-35 to penetrate and survive these missions is superior. The F-35 would have been nuclear-certified prior to delivery. Certification for the Typhoon and F-18s would take additional time, money and German political capital. The default position, therefore, might be further life extensions for the old Tornados and further degradation of NATO's nuclear deterrence. It is no wonder that the chief of the German Luftwaffe publicly declared his support for the F-35. He was silenced and retired early. So why did German political leaders make this decision? Money alone is not the answer. While the F-35 is a much better plane, its costs are coming down considerably to the point where they would be about as much as a Typhoon. The Typhoon would, of course, have local labor benefits. Nor is availability the answer. Lockheed has told the Germans that they could have their first F-35 three years after a contract is signed. The answer is more political and industrial. The Merkel government rules by grand coalition, with Social Democrats holding key positions in the Federal Foreign Office and the Finance Ministry. The Social Democrats tend to resist greater defense spending and have a more benign view of Russia's intentions. Many resist Germany's nuclear mission. And no one in the coalition wants to reward U.S. President Donald Trump. More important, France and Germany are drawing closer together on defense policy in the wake of Brexit and President Trump's criticisms of NATO. The recently signed Aachen Treaty committed the two nationsto new levels of cooperation in defense and foreign policy. A center piece of this reinforced Franco-German defense cooperation is an agreement reached last summer to jointly design and produce a next-generation fighter by 2040. Dassault and Airbus plan to leverage their current Rafale and Typhoon aircraft as a bridge to this new joint aircraft. Paris fears that a German purchase of the F-35, especially in large numbers, could undercut the need for the next-gen fighter and harm European capabilities to produce advanced fighters. They have let Berlin know this. A strong Franco-German engine at the heart of European defense is to be encouraged. But it should not come at the expense of optimal NATO air power and deterrence. Nor should it come at the expense of broader NATO solidarity. Germany should reconsider its F-35 decision and purchase at least enough F-35s to retain its leadership position in European air power and its familiarity with fifth-generation aircraft technology. Its European allies, who will also be negatively impacted, should weigh in. Failing this, a purchase of the F-18 would be a second-best option. Hans Binnendijk is a distinguished fellow at the Atlantic Council and formerly served as the U.S. National Security Council's senior director for defense policy. James Townsend is a senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security and formerly served as deputy assistant secretary of defense for European and NATO policy. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2019/02/08/german-f-35-decision-sacrifices-nato-capability-for-franco-german-industrial-cooperation/

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  February 2, 2021 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

  Top defence procurement official to retire

  David Pugliese, Ottawa Citizen, Postmedia News André Fillion, assistant deputy minister, defence and marine procurement, at Procurement Canada is retiring. Fillion was a key official involved in the Canadian Surface Combatant and other major defence acquisition programs. Bill Matthews, deputy minister at Procurement Canada, announced that Fillion's retirement is effective April 1. Fillion came to Public Service and Procurement Canada in 2018 from national defence where as chief of staff materiel he was also involved in CSC, the fighter jet replacement and all major acquisitions. Simon Page will take over Fillion's job at PSPC as assistant deputy minister, defence and marine procurement. Matthews said Page will be on the job starting March 1. https://www.thechronicleherald.ca/news/canada/top-defence-procurement-official-to-retire-547466/