Les industriels allemands dénoncent leur mise à l'écart de la maintenance des futurs F-35A de la Luftwaffe - Zone Militaire

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  October 31, 2024 | International, C4ISR, Security

  New LightSpy Spyware Version Targets iPhones with Increased Surveillance Tactics

  Discover the latest LightSpy iOS spyware, featuring expanded capabilities and destructive functions.

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  September 9, 2020 | International, C4ISR, Security

  DISA releases draft solicitation for $11.7 billion IT contract

  Andrew Eversden WASHINGTON — The U.S. Defense Information Systems Agency released its draft request for proposals Sept. 4 for a single-award contract potentially worth $11.7 billion to consolidate the networks at 22 Pentagon agencies. The 10-year, indefinite delivery, indefinitely quantity contract from DISA, called Defense Enclave Services, will transition many so-called fourth estate agencies to common IT systems under a single vendor. Fourth estate agencies are Defense Department entities that do not sit squarely under the military departments, such as the Missile Defense Agency or the Defense Logistics Agency. DISA's effort is meant to reduce redundant IT costs, improve cybersecurity and standardize IT support services among the fourth estate agencies. “DISA desires to partner with industry to provide commercial Information Technology (IT) services, decrease redundant IT costs, enhance cybersecurity posture, and standardize IT services across disparate networks,” the draft RFP stated. “Defense Enclave Services will unify the 4th Estate's Common Use IT systems, personnel, functions, and program elements associated with the support of those systems and technologies under a Single Service Provider (SSP) architecture managed, operated, and supported by DISA.” Under the draft RFP, the single provider will provide “all required transition, infrastructure, network operations and management engineering and innovation, cybersecurity, and technical refresh support services" under nine performance areas. Migration to a consolidated network will take place in two phases. Agencies involved in the first phase will complete “integration and sustainment” by fiscal 2025, and those involved in the second phase will complete migration by fiscal 2026. The network will include the Non-classified Internet Protocol Router Network and the Secret Internet Protocol Router Network. DISA estimates the performance period will be from Dec. 7, 2021, to Dec. 6, 2031, with a four-year base period and three two-year options. According to a pre-solicitation industry day script from August, five agencies will be part of the first task order: Defense Media Activity, Defense Technical Information Center, Defense Information Systems Agency, Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency and Defense Microelectronics Activity. Those five components include 20,000 users, 81 global sites and 40,000 end points, the presentation stated. DISA has been under pressure from lawmakers and top Pentagon officials in recent years to find ways to save money. Last year, DISA officials told reporters that the agency's Fourth Estate Network Optimization initiative would provide cost savings to the agency. The initiative was directed by the deputy secretary of defense in August last year. Phase one agencies include: Defense Information Systems Agency (DISA-HQ) Defense Technical Information Center (DTIC) Defense Prisoner of War/Missing in Action Accounting Agency (DPAA) Defense Microelectronics Activity (DMEA) Defense Media Activity (DMA) Defense Information Systems Agency (DISA-Field Sites) Defense Contract Management Agency (DCMA) Defense Contract Audit Agency (DCAA) Defense Human Resources Agency/Defense Manpower Data Center (DHRA/DMDC) Defense Finance and Accounting Service (DFAS) Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) Missile Defense Agency (MDA) Phase two agencies include: Defense Health Agency (DHA) Defense Legal Services Agency (DLSA) Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) Defense Technology Security Agency (DTSA) Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) Office of Secretary of Defense (OSD) Personnel Force Protection Agency (PFPA) Washington Headquarters Services (WHS) Joint Service Provider (JSP) According to the posting on beta.sam.gov, the final RFP will be released the last week of September. https://www.c4isrnet.com/it-networks/2020/09/08/disa-releases-draft-solicitation-for-117-billion-it-contract/

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  June 9, 2020 | International, Aerospace

  Russia’s new nuclear policy could be a path to arms control treaties

  By: Sarah Bidgood Russia recently published a new document, titled “Basic Principles of State Policy of the Russian Federation on Nuclear Deterrence.” Its release marks the first time that Russia's official policy on deterrence has been made publicly available. As others have observed, this document is an example of declaratory policy aimed primarily at a foreign audience — and should be read with this orientation in mind. Still, it contains information that helps readers better understand how Russia thinks about nuclear weapons, and this certainly makes it worth a close examination. Some of the more useful insights this document offers pertain to Russia's threat assessments and what it sees as likely pathways to nuclear use. A number of these threats line up with American declaratory policy as reflected in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. These overlaps are noteworthy, since the U.S. and Russia have traditionally been able to work together to mitigate mutual threats even when their bilateral relationship is in crisis. As such, they can point toward ways to get arms control back on track at a time when it is in deep trouble. One such area of overlap appears in section 19C, which covers the conditions that could allow for nuclear use. This list includes an “attack by [an] adversary against critical governmental or military sites of the Russian Federation, disruption of which would undermine nuclear forces response actions." The similarities between this language and that which appears in the 2018 NPR are considerable. That document identifies “attacks on U.S., allied, or partner civilian populations and infrastructure and attacks on U.S. or allied nuclear forces, their command and control, or warning and attack assessment capabilities” as a significant non-nuclear strategic attacks that could warrant the use of nuclear weapons. These parallels suggest that an agreement prohibiting attacks on nuclear command, control and communications systems could be of interest to both Washington and Moscow. A treaty along these lines would help to shore up crisis stability while rebuilding trust and confidence between the U.S. and Russia. It could also become a multilateral approach involving the five nuclear weapon states, which have been meeting regularly to discuss risk reduction and other topics. This would represent one of the few concrete outcomes of these discussions, which have been met with cautious enthusiasm but have so far failed to bear much fruit. Another example of mutual U.S.-Russia threats appears in section 12E of the Russian document. Here, the “uncontrolled proliferation of nuclear weapons, their delivery means, technology and equipment for their manufacture” are described as risks that nuclear deterrence is meant to neutralize. Preventing the spread of nuclear weapons seems to remain a focus of U.S. nuclear policy, too, and the 2018 NPR commits to strengthening institutions that support “verifiable, durable progress on non-proliferation.” This ongoing shared interest is an argument for renewed U.S.-Russian cooperation in this area, especially as it relates to strengthening the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. There is a long history of engagement between the two largest nuclear weapon states on nonproliferation, even at times of major discord in their relationship. Successful outcomes of this cooperation include the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty itself, which the United States and the Soviet Union concluded 50 years ago to stop additional countries from acquiring nuclear weapons. Despite decades of joint work toward this shared goal, the rift between Washington and Moscow has now brought most bilateral efforts in this area to a halt. As some in Iran, Turkey and Germany contemplate the pursuit of nuclear weapons, it's time for the U.S. and Russia to shore up the credibility of the regime they built. Other sections of Russia's document offer additional glimpses into Moscow's perceived threats, although not all find ready analogs in U.S. declaratory policy. Many relate instead to the possibility that an adversary will carry out a conventional attack on Russia. Sections 12 and 14, for instance, reference the risks posed by adversary deployments of medium- and shorter-range cruise and ballistic missiles, non-nuclear high-precision and hypersonic weapons, strike unmanned aerial vehicles, and directed-energy weapons. They also mention the deployment of missile defense systems in space; military buildups by would-be adversaries of general-purpose force groupings that possess nuclear weapons delivery means in territories neighboring Russia; and the placement of nuclear weapons on the territories of non-nuclear weapons states, among others. There is little here that would surprise most Russia-watchers, but if the U.S. is serious about pursuing “next generation” arms control, it is useful to have a list of potential topics for discussion that go beyond ballistic missile defense. This list might also prove helpful in negotiating asymmetric treaties or in identifying confidence-building measures that cross domains. Overall, this short document does provide greater clarity with respect to Russia's deterrence strategy, but it is ambiguous on many points as well. Olga Oliker, the International Crisis Group's program director for Europe and Central Asia, noted, for instance, it does not settle the debate over whether Russia has an “escalate-to-deescalate” policy, and it is (unsurprisingly) vague about the precise circumstances under which Russia would consider using nuclear weapons. Still, despite leaving some questions unanswered, the document offers a valuable window into Russia's strengths and vulnerabilities as they appear from Moscow. While likely not the intended signal this document was meant to send, it nevertheless points to possible opportunities for engagement when other good alternatives are hard to see. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/06/08/russias-new-nuclear-policy-could-be-a-path-to-arms-control-treaties/