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June 17, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

Les cinq incohérences de la défense européenne

La réunion des ministres de la Défense de l'UE ce mardi (16 juin) le prouve. La litanie des 25 paragraphes balayant tous les sujets met sous le tapis cinq sujets d'incohérences, non résolus depuis des années. Ce qui est assez incongru alors que tous les signaux sont au vert (cf. encadré). Les Européens sont aujourd'hui face à leurs contradictions, leurs incohérences (1), forts dans le verbe, faibles dans l'action.

Première incohérence : aucune responsabilité stratégique clairement identifiée

L'Europe manque d'une chaine de décision clairement identifiée, surtout au plus au haut niveau. Ce devrait être le rôle du Conseil européen. Mais celui-ci a peu à peu délaissé ce rôle, encombré par les affaires intérieures de l'UE : crise économique, renouvellement institutionnel, Brexit, etc. Quelques discussions de politique extérieure ont bien eu lieu, mais peu nombreuses, pas assez fréquentes, et parfois tournées vers le sommet de l'iceberg, non vers la profondeur stratégique.

Ainsi quand la Russie a été évoquée, c'était surtout pour examiner s'il fallait prendre des sanctions après l'invasion de la Crimée et la guerre dans l'Est de l'Ukraine et quelles sanctions prendre, pas vraiment pour voir quelles relations de voisinage entretenir. Et quand on aborde la Turquie, c'est en extrême urgence pour tisser des liens avec Ankara afin d'éviter une vague migratoire. Il y a eu assez peu de discussions au fond sur les relations avec les pays du Golfe, avec l'Afrique, avec la Libye, durant la présidence de Donald Tusk. Charles Michel qui avait inauguré son mandat par une série de balades (lire : Quand Tintin Michel se balade, le Conseil européen trinque) pourrait changer la donne. Mais les dissensions internes sur le futur cadre budgétaire (MFF) risquent, encore une fois, de détourner l'attention.

Les ministres de la Défense se réunissent, mais une seule fois par semestre, dans une formation qui est mineure, dépendant de celles des Affaires étrangères. Les sujets qu'ils abordent sont rarement les plus importants. Et la terminologie employée souvent très optimiste (progrès, félicitations, succès...) sert davantage à masquer les divergences qu'à les trancher. Idem au Parlement européen où la défense est confinée dans une sous-commission, sans capacité de décision autonome.

En fait, il manque une instance stratégique. C'est le problème plus général de l'Union européenne en matière de diplomatie et de défense. Elle erre un peu parfois sans une logique totalement compréhensible et intelligible. Le Haut représentant reste avant tout un super ‘diplomate', chargé de mettre en œuvre une politique. Si les États ne sont pas d'accord, il en est réduit à broder. Or, la haute couture ne suffit pas à remplacer une décision. L'idée d'un Conseil européen de sécurité, proposée par l'Allemagne, est intéressante (lire : Mettre en place un Conseil de sécurité européen ? Une idée à travailler). Mais elle apparait plutôt comme une manœuvre de diversion et n'a jamais reçu de suite très concrète. Il faut que le Conseil européen fasse son travail... tout simplement.

Deuxième incohérence : la fuite en avant

L'autre défaut typique de l'Union européenne est de lancer sans cesse de nouveaux concepts, de nouveaux projets, sans avoir tiré auparavant le bilan de ce qui marche et ne marche pas. On empile ainsi les projets capacitaires les uns sur les autres, sans fermer des dossiers. Où en sont aujourd'hui les 11 projets opérationnels décidés en 2011 par exemple ? Et sur les 47 projets de la PESCO, chacun sait bien que certains sont « morts nés » pour reprendre une expression officieuse. Dans les couloirs européens, personne n'ose le dire publiquement. Mais sous le sceau de l'anonymat, les langues se délient. En bref, il faut élaguer. Au lieu de ça, on alourdit l'arbre. Cela n'a pas de logique. Du moins vraiment compréhensible au point de vue de l'opinion publique comme des experts.

Idem en matière opérationnelle. Les battlegroups sont toujours inemployés. Et notre analyse passée (2) reste (malheureusement) exacte. On ne voit rien aujourd'hui qui puisse les faire mieux fonctionner. Sur les seize missions extérieures de l'UE, on sait très bien — y compris dans les rangs européens les plus convaincus — qu'un petit tiers (estimation basse) ne remplit pas l'objectif primaire fixé par les traités à la PSDC : la stabilisation ou le maintien de la paix (lire : Opération Sophia, EUBAM Rafah et Libya... l'UE doit apprendre à fermer des missions devenues inutiles). Elles sont plutôt là pour mettre un point sur la carte, occuper le terrain. Leur suppression risque d'engendrer des grincements de dents, mais cette retructuration est nécessaire.

Troisième incohérence : entre le dire et le faire un abyme

Dans les missions et opérations de la PSDC, pourtant décidées en commun (l'unanimité étant toujours la règle), les moyens font souvent défaut. C'est une autre incohérence et non des moindres de la politique européenne de défense. Certaines lacunes sont récurrentes. Ainsi, depuis plusieurs années, le soutien médical dans les missions de la PSDC est souvent délégué à un pays tiers (ou au privé), faute de moyens européens. D'autres apparaissent de façon criante. L'exemple de l'opération de contrôle des armes au large de la Libye (EUNAVFOR Med Irini) en est un (dernier) exemple criant. Les États sont (à peu près tous) d'accord : le désordre libyen est un des pires facteurs d'instabilité pour l'Europe, il faut contrôler l'embargo sur les armes et aboutir à un processus politique... Mais quand il s'agit de fournir des moyens opérationnels pour mettre en œuvre cette volonté, il y a beaucoup moins de monde. (lire : Une opération Irini bien à la peine. Les États membres chiches en moyens).

Quatrième incohérence : une structure héritée du passé

Toutes les structures actuelles sont issues de la réflexion sur l'état de l'Europe il y a vingt ans, voire trente ans. L'élaboration du Traité de Maastricht date des années 1990. Soit la réalisation du marché unique. Une autre époque ! À chaque nouvelle phase (tous les dix ans), on rajoute une couche institutionnelle, sans vraiment chercher à simplifier ou réorganiser le système. Aujourd'hui, ce n'est pas tant le manque institutionnel que le surpoids qui l'emporte.

On a ainsi un noyau d'état-major de l'UE en train d'évoluer (lentement), à côté des état-majors de force (Eurocorps, Euromarfor) largement sous-employés. Au niveau capacitaire, trois structures sont en place : l'agence européenne de défense et OCCAR qui s'occupent de la gestion des projets, et la nouvelle DG Défense et Espace (DEFIS) de la Commission européenne, sans oublier les structures au sein du service diplomatique européen (SEAE) qui s'occupent de gestion de crises. Et je ne parle pas de celles de l'Alliance atlantique.

Chacune a sa propre logique et sa justification. La question n'est peut-être pas tant de les supprimer, mais d'avoir une logique d'ensemble, partagée par tous les acteurs, une saine répartition des t'ches, compréhensible, organisée. Quitte à couper les ‘branches mortes'.

Cinquième incohérence : la coopération OTAN-UE

Ce lien est célébré partout. On le retrouve à toutes les sauces dès qu'il s'agit d'une réunion consacrée à la défense d'un côté comme de l'autre du rond point Schuman. Si les relations entre les deux organisations sont fluides (elles l'étaient déjà du temps de Javier Solana ;-), dans les faits, la relation entre les deux organisations reste faussée par une géopolitique fort différente qui se résume à deux mots : USA et Turquie.

L'OTAN reste, en effet, très dépendante à la fois de la volonté américaine (son actionnaire principal) et de la politique turque (élément clé de sa présence au Sud-Est). Vissée à ces deux éléments, elle obéit à un équilibre précaire et reste bien en peine de fixer sa politique, devant sa survie au durcissement russe entamé depuis 2014 avec la guerre en Ukraine et l'annexion de la Crimée. Les deux (autres) guerres actives aux bordures du territoire de l'Alliance (la Syrie et la Libye) se déroulent avec un cavalier seul de la Turquie, plus que troublant. La violation délibérée par Ankara de l'embargo sur les armes en Libye est une (grosse) épine dans le pied, douloureuse pour la solidarité de l'Alliance.

L'Alliance, en fait, n'est pas très en forme. Encore moins pourrait-on dire que l'Union européenne, même si cela apparait moins clairement. Elle est à la recherche d'un nouveau point d'équilibre qu'elle n'a pas vraiment trouvé. Ses deux missions de formation en Irak et en Afghanistan sont proches de la fin. Elle se cherche de nouveaux terrains d'action... Elle ne dispose pas de moyens d'actions juridiques et financiers propres et en est réduite, aujourd'hui, à quémander à l'Union européenne de lui prêter ses moyens pour mener ses propres projets (cf. pour la mobilité militaire).

Très clairement, les deux organisations n'ont ni la même stratégie ni la même tactique. La pandémie du coronavirus a montré comment leur coopération restait aléatoire, surtout en cas de crise grave. Chacun a tenté très vite de tirer la couverture à soi, multipliant des réunions de coordination là où il n'y avait plus grand chose à coordonner. Parler de coopération est donc plus qu'hasardeux. On serait plus proche de la parabole de l'aveugle et du paralytique.

(Nicolas Gros-Verheyde)

On the same subject

  • Democrats face internal ‘fight’ on defense spending, says Smith

    October 8, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security, Other Defence

    Democrats face internal ‘fight’ on defense spending, says Smith

    Joe Gould WASHINGTON ― The Democratic split over the size of future defense budgets will come to a head in the new Congress, the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, Rep. Adam Smith, D-Wash., predicted Tuesday. The outcome of the long-simmering dispute would take on higher stakes if some pre-election polling becomes a reality and Democrats retake Congress and the White House. Though President Donald Trump and his supporters claim the Democratic Party has been hijacked by the far left, Smith's remarks suggest the party's future direction, at least on defense spending, is not yet settled. Instead of slashing next year's $740 billion defense budget, as some progressives want, Smith is pushing, “a rational Democratic, progressive national security strategy,” as he called it. That stance seems to align Smith with his party's pragmatic standard-bearer, Joe Biden, who's said he doesn't foresee major defense cuts, if elected. “I don't think that rational policy involves 20 percent defense cut, but that fight is going to be had,” Smith said at an event hosted by George Mason University. “There are extremists on the right and extremists on the left, and what I'm trying to do is say, ‘Let's go for pragmatic problem solving.' I don't see extremism solving problems.” If Democrats are swept into power Nov. 3, it will be by voters opposed to President Donald Trump from across the political spectrum, Smith said. To hold on that mandate, Democrats would need to govern with a broad coalition and not overreach from the left on issues like defense. “Okay, we can win an election because people are appalled by Donald Trump,” Smith said, “but that doesn't mean that they're endorsing us in any sort of huge, dramatic way.” After the House passed an early version of last year's defense policy bill without Republicans aboard, negotiations to reconcile it with theWhite House and GOP-held Senate dragged for months before a compromise bill passed Congress with progressive priorities stripped from it, leaving them dissatisfied. This year, many of the progressives' priorities were deflected from the House's version of the bill, and it passed the chamber with support from more than half of Republicans and more than two-thirds of Democrats. Military spending remains popular with most Republicans, and they largely opposed progressive amendments in the House and Senate this summer to slash the authorization bill by 10 percent. HASC member Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., called the House amendment, “a deeply irresponsible stunt.” Biden and congressional Democrats are already under pressure from progressives like Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., who have been part of a campaign to direct spending away from the military in favor of healthcare, education and jobs. Massive spending on national security, they say, didn't protect the country from COVID-19. “You have a progressive movement in the party now that is really motivated and mobilized around foreign policy and national security issues, and that's not going away,” Matt Duss, a Sanders foreign policy aide, told Defense News last month. “That is something a President Biden will have to work with, and I think his team understands that.” As both Biden, Trump and lawmakers of both parties have called for the U.S. to extricate itself from the Mideast and end the “endless wars” in Iraq and Afghanistan, Smith said it's important to educate a war-weary American people about why it's unwise to retreat from the world stage ― marked by hotspots in Libya, Syria and West Africa. “We've got to make the case to them: ‘Here's why the defense budget is what it is, here's why we're trying to accomplish what we're trying to accomplish, and here's why it's in your best interest,'” Smith said. “And we're going to be very aggressive about having public hearings and public discussions to listen to people, to listen to those concerns and try to address them.” The Pentagon's five-year defense plan indicates it will request flat defense spending after 2021, and ― amid pandemic-related expenses and historic deficits ― the budget is widely expected to stay flat regardless of who is president. Smith pretty much echoed that view Tuesday. “I think the reasonable assumption is yeah, the defense budget is going to be flat for a while ― and there is no reason on Earth in my view that we cannot defend the United States of America for $700 to $740 billion,” Smith said. “So I think the better question, the question to focus on, is how do we get more out of it?” On that one, Smith echoed some ideas from his committee's bipartisan Future of Defense Task Force. Its report emphasized the need, in order to compete with a surging China, to divest from some legacy programs and heavily invest in artificial intelligence, among other potentially game-changing technologies. Citing a spate of acquisition failures, Smith said Washington has to work with its defense contractors “about how we spend our money and the results we get for that money.” He also acknowledged the need to protect key contractors stressed by the pandemic's economic impacts and strengthen the industrial base overall. Smith defended the Pentagon's allocation of hundreds of millions of dollars in pandemic relief funding for items like jet and submarine parts instead of increasing the country's supply of medical equipment. The remarks seemed to set him at odds with liberals like Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., and Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., who have asked the Defense inspector general to look into the department's “reported misuse” of funds. The Democrat-led House Oversight and Reform Committee, Financial Services Committee, and select subcommittee on the coronavirus crisis are conducting a joint investigation. “Three committees in Congress are now investigating this, and I'm not one of them because there's nothing to investigate here, in my view,” Smith said. “This was part of the CARES Act: We gave a billion dollars to DoD to deal with COVID-related expenses. Very specifically, it said one of the COVID related expenses you could deal with was the defense industrial base, which they did. And now we're chewing on them for doing that.” Smith said the Pentagon did “nothing illegal,” but he suggested it's reasonable to explore whether DoD balanced the money it received appropriately and whether its payments to large contractors are flowing to smaller, more vulnerable firms, as they should. “I think it is important to make sure we keep the industrial base going,” Smith said, “but there's going to be pressure on that [decision].” https://www.defensenews.com/congress/2020/10/07/democrats-face-internal-fight-on-defense-spending-says-smith/

  • DARPA head resigns, moving on to industry

    December 17, 2019 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    DARPA head resigns, moving on to industry

    By: Jill Aitoro WASHINGTON — Steven Walker, the 21st director of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), today announced his resignation, effective Jan.10, 2020, Defense News has learned. Walker will move on to a position in industry, though a DARPA spokesman did not reveal where. DARPA deputy director Peter Highnam, a former director of research at the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, will assume the role of acting director until a permanent director is appointed. Highnam is also a former director of the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity (IARPA). DARPA is responsible for driving development of emerging technologies for use by the military. Walker and Vint Cerf, inventor of the Internet, spoke to Defense News about that role in March, and how DARPA can support engagement with the tech community. Among the key efforts launched under Walker's tenure at DARPA was development and fielding of the Long-Range Anti-Ship Missile, which was accomplished in half the time of a normal development program, DARPA noted in an email. Walker also reinvigorated the agency's hypersonic weapons and space efforts, with major programs in boost-glide and air-breathing missile development and distributed low Earth orbit satellite constellations. Also noted by the agency: Under Walker's leadership, DARPA launched the three-year, $1.5 billion Electronics Resurgence Initiative (ERI) as well the five-year $2 billion AI Next program. Walker also “made pivotal investments in the realm of engineered biology, resulting in several breakthroughs, chief among them a program that has helped reduce Ebola fatality rates by more than 70 percent,” the email stated. Walker succeeded Arati Prabhakar, who left the Agency in January 2017. https://www.defensenews.com/breaking-news/2019/12/17/darpa-head-resigns-moving-on-to-industry

  • Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - August 8, 2019

    August 9, 2019 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - August 8, 2019

    AIR FORCE Atlantic Diving Supply Inc., Virginia Beach, Virginia (FA8606-19-D-0029); Nightline Inc., Mountain City, Tennessee (FA8606-19-D-0036); Tactical & Survival Specialties Inc., Harrisonburg, Virginia (FA8606-19-D-0039); Federal Resources, Stevensville, Maryland (FA8606-19-D-0032); Sera Star LLC, Carrollton, Texas (FA8606-19-D-0038); Hurricane Aerospace Solutions, Pompano Beach, Florida (FA8606-19-D-0033); Baker and Associates Inc., Centerville, Ohio (FA8606-19-D-0030); Mountain Horse Solutions, Colorado Springs, Colorado (FA8606-19-D-0035); Rapid Response Defense Systems Inc., Irvine, California (FA8606-19-D-0037); Capewell Aerial Systems LLC, Meadows of Dan, Virginia (FA8606-19-D-0031); and Life Support International Inc., Langhorne, Pennsylvania (FA8606-19-D-0034), have been awarded a contract with a ceiling of $950,000,000 multiple award, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract for commercial aircrew items. This contract is a commercial item contract vehicle, designed to rapidly equip aircrew with non-stock listed, commercial items including: uniforms, cold weather clothing systems, visual augmentation equipment, personal protective equipment, helmets, body armor, tactical carriers, individual equipment, lighting, survival equipment, air crew support equipment, communication equipment, tactical equipment, load bearing equipment, lethality support items, boots, gloves, eye protection, egress equipment, aerial insertion equipment, search & rescue equipment, personnel recovery equipment, medical equipment, power management, hydration, electronics test equipment, ancillary services and testing. Work will be performed, as indicated, by contractor in the list above and is expected to be completed by Aug. 8, 2029. This award is the result of a competitive acquisition and 12 offers were received. Fiscal 2018 and other procurement funds in the amount of $11,000 are being obligated at the time of award. The Air Force Life Cycle Management Center, Wright Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, is the contracting activity. BAE Systems Technology Solutions & Services Inc., Rockville, Maryland, has been awarded a $369,000,000 ceiling increase modification (P00013) to previously awarded contract FA2521-16-D-0010 for serviceable components and subsystems for instrumentation tracking systems world-wide for both foreign and domestic government agencies to include radars, telemetry and optical instrumentation tracking systems. This increase is to support range instrumentation sustainment and obsolescence management requirements. Work will be completed at the program's 28 worldwide participating ranges and is expected to be completed by Dec. 31, 2020. Fiscal 2019 operational and maintenance funds will be used, and no funds are being obligated at the time of award. The 45th Contracting Squadron, Patrick Air Force Base, Florida, is the contracting activity. ARMY JE Dunn, Kansas City, Missouri, was awarded a $295,974,160 firm-fixed-price contract for design-build construction to replace the hospital at Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri. Bids were solicited via the internet with four received. Work will be performed in Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, with an estimated completion date of Oct. 31, 2023. Fiscal 2018 military construction funds in the amount of $79,235,000 were obligated at the time of the award. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Kansas City, Missouri, is the contracting activity (W912DQ-19-C-4011). HydroGeoLogic Inc.,* Reston, Virginia, was awarded a $95,000,000 cost-plus-fixed-fee contract for hazardous, toxic and radioactive waste remediation activities at the Formerly Utilized Sites Remedial Action Program St. Louis sites. Bids were solicited via the internet with two received. Work locations and funding will be determined with each order, with an estimated completion date of Feb. 7, 2025. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, St. Louis, Missouri, is the contracting activity (W912P9-19-D-0011). Massman Construction, Leawood, Kansas, was awarded an $8,414,000 firm-fixed-price contract for lock and dam gate anchorage. Bids were solicited via the internet with five received. Work will be performed in Clarksville, Missouri, with an estimated completion date of Aug. 7, 2020. Fiscal 2010 civil operations and maintenance funds in the amount of $8,414,000 were obligated at the time of the award. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, St. Louis, Missouri, is the contracting activity (W912P9-19-C-0009). U.S. TRANSPORTATION COMMAND Columbia Helicopters Inc. Aurora, Oregon, has been awarded an option year modification to contract HTC711-17-D-R018 in the estimated amount of $224,394,412. This modification, P00008, provides rotary wing airlift support within the U.S. Central Command Area of Responsibility, configured to simultaneously transport passengers and cargo. Work will be performed in Afghanistan. The option period of performance is Sept. 1, 2019, to Aug. 31, 2020. Type of appropriation is 2019 operations and maintenance funds. The modification brings the total cumulative face value of the contract to an estimated $670,327,669 from an estimated $445,933,257. U.S. Transportation Command, Directorate of Acquisition, Scott Air Force Base, Illinois, is the contracting activity. CHI Aviation Inc., Howell, Michigan, has been awarded an option year modification to contract HTC711-17-D-R017 in the estimated amount of $149,819,159. This modification, P00009, provides rotary wing airlift support within the U.S. Central Command Area of Responsibility, configured to simultaneously transport passengers and cargo. Work will be performed in Afghanistan. The option period of performance is Sept. 1, 2019, to Aug. 31, 2020. Type of appropriation is 2019 operations and maintenance funds. The modification brings the total cumulative face value of the contract to an estimated $460,456,492 from an estimated $310,637,333. U.S. Transportation Command, Directorate of Acquisition, Scott Air Force Base, Illinois, is the contracting activity. Berry Aviation Inc., San Marcos, Texas, has been awarded option year modification to contract HTC711-16-D-R021 in an estimated amount of $29,848,000. This modification, P00006, provides fixed wing passenger, cargo, combined passenger and cargo, aeromedical evacuation, and short take-off and landing air transportation services within the U.S. Central Command Area of Responsibility, configured to simultaneously transport passengers and cargo. Work will be performed in Afghanistan. The option period of performance is Sept. 1, 2019, to Aug. 31, 2020. Type of appropriation is 2019 operations and maintenance funds. The modification brings the total cumulative face value of the contract to an estimated $117,746,500 from an estimated $87,898,500. U.S. Transportation Command, Directorate of Acquisition, Scott Air Force Base, Illinois, is the contracting activity. NAVY J.F. Taylor Inc.,* Lexington Park, Maryland, is awarded a $108,987,777 cost-plus-fixed-fee, cost-reimbursable, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract to provide engineering and technical services in support of the Integrated Battlespace Simulation and Test Department, Naval Air Warfare Center, Aircraft Division 5.4.3 Simulation Division laboratories. These laboratories support activities that include research and development of requirements for aviation systems, supporting system development, providing developmental and operational flight test support, and providing life-cycle operational support to include system enhancement, procedure refinement and accident investigations. Work will be performed in Patuxent River, Maryland, (78%); and Lexington Park, Maryland (22%), and is expected to be completed in August 2024. No funds will be obligated at the time of award. Funds will be obligated on individual orders as they are issued. This contract was competitively procured via an electronic request for proposal as a small business set-aside; one offer was received. The Naval Air Warfare Center, Aircraft Division, Patuxent River, Maryland, is the contracting activity (N00421-19-D-0074). ZITEC Inc.,** Niceville, Florida, is awarded a $25,110,110 fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract. This contract provides up to 672 alternate mission equipment mobility ready storage systems; two first article units, and 670 production systems for the Navy and Marine Corps. Work will be performed in Niceville, Florida, and is expected to be completed in August 2025. Fiscal 2018 aircraft procurement (Navy) funds in the amount of $71,969 will be obligated at the time of award, none of which will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was competitively procured via an electronic request for proposals as a Service-Disabled Veteran-Owned Small Business set-aside; three offers were received. The Naval Air Warfare Center, Aircraft Division, Lakehurst, New Jersey, is the contracting activity (N68335-19-D-0242). APTIM Federal Services LLC, Alexandria, Virginia, is awarded $15,248,090 for firm-fixed-price task order 0004 under a previously awarded multiple award construction contract (N39430-15-D-1632) to clean, inspect, repair and inspect repairs to mined-in-place military petroleum storage tanks (Red Hill Tanks 4 and 13). After award of this modification, the total cumulative contract value will be $30,112,525. Work will be performed in Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, Hawaii, and is expected to be completed by December 2021. Fiscal 2016 working capital funds (Navy) in the amount of $15,248,090 are obligated on this award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. Naval Facilities Engineering Command, Hawaii, Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, Hawaii, is the contracting activity. AECOM Technical Services Inc., Los Angeles, California, is awarded $14,749,825 for cost-plus-award-fee modification to task order N62742-18-F-0126 under a previously awarded indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract (N62742-17-D-1800) for investigation and remediation of releases, and groundwater protection and evaluation for Red Hill Bulk Fuel Storage Facility, Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam. Work will be performed in Hawaii, and is expected to be completed by January 2021. Working capital funds (Defense) in the amount of $14,749,825 are obligated on this award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. Naval Facilities Engineering Command, Pacific, Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, Hawaii, is the contracting activity. DEFENSE LOGISTICS AGENCY North American Rescue LLC, Greer, South Carolina, has been awarded a maximum $41,742,284 fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract for medical surgical products. This is a one-year base contract with nine one-year option periods. To date, this is the 13th contract awarded from standing solicitation SPM2D0-12-R-0004. Location of performance is South Carolina, with an Aug. 10, 2020, performance completion date. Using customers are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps and federal civilian agencies. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2019 through 2020 warstopper funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (SPE2D0-19-D-0005). Dominion Privatization South Carolina LLC, Richmond, Virginia, has been awarded a $24,946,260 modification (P00008) to a 50‐year contract (SP0600‐18‐C‐8325) with no option periods for the ownership, operation and maintenance of the electric utility systems at Fort Jackson, South Carolina. This is a fixed‐price with economic‐price‐adjustment contract. Locations of performance are South Carolina and Virginia, with a May 1, 2069, performance completion date. Using military service is Army. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2019 through 2069 Army operations and maintenance funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency, Energy, Fort Jackson, South Carolina. Direct Energy Business Marketing LLC, Iselin, New Jersey (SPE604-19-D-7519; $15,881,084); Constellation New Energy-Gas Division LLC, Louisville, Kentucky (SPE604-19-D-7520; $10,742,319); and CenterPoint Energy Services Inc., Houston, Texas (SPE604-19-D-7521; $10,738,786), have each been awarded a fixed‐price with economic‐price-adjustment requirements contract under solicitation SPE604-19-R-0405 for pipeline quality direct supply natural gas. This was a competitive acquisition with seven offers received. They are two-year base contracts with a six‐month option period. Locations of performance are Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, and New York, with a Sept. 30, 2021, performance completion date. Using customers are Army, Navy, Air Force, and federal civilian agencies. No money is obligated at the time of award; however, customers are solely responsible to fund these requirements contracts. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Energy, Fort Belvoir, Virginia. *Small Business https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Contracts/Contract/Article/1929800/source/GovDelivery/

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