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September 5, 2018 | International, Naval

Le Gican se tourne vers l'international et le numérique

Le Gican a procédé à une réorganisation de ses services. Pour le Groupement des industries de la construction et des activités navales, il s'agit de "correspondre plus efficacement aux exigences du secteur" dans le contexte d'une "consolidation du Comité stratégique de filière des industries de la mer".

L'objectif est de "se concentrer, en plus de la logique métier liée à la construction et à la réparation navale civile et de défense, sur la R&D, l'internationalisation et l'export, la transformation numérique des entreprises et l'attractivité des métiers, mais les exigences du secteur naval ne peuvent négliger le lien fort aux adhérents et aux territoires, et la nécessaire promotion du secteur par une communication et des relations publiques repensées".

L'organigramme du Groupement se concentrera désormais autour de six délégations réparties dans trois pôles de compétences : Vie de l'organisation (relations avec les adhérents, relations publiques...), Métiers du naval (chantiers, activités civiles, équipementiers, énergies marines, défense et sécurité) et Industrie (R&D, numérique, internationalisation, export).

Ce remaniement a entraîné la nomination de trois personnes. Jean-Marie Dumon s'est vu confier le poste de délégué à la défense et la sécurité, placé dans le Pôle métiers. Cet officier de marine et ingénieur a exercé des responsabilités variées pendant plus de trente ans dans la Marine nationale, dont deux commandements à la mer. Il a également travaillé auprès de hautes autorités du ministère des Armées, en particulier sur la stratégie de réformes.

Arnaud Martins Da Torre a été nommé délégué à l'internationalisation des entreprises et à l'export (Pôle industrie). Il a été durant trois ans chercheur spécialiste des conflits et des questions de défense à l'Iris (Institut des relations internationales et stratégiques). Depuis 2001, il travaillait pour Eurotradia International, cabinet de conseil et d'accompagnement à l'export et à l'international.

Enfin, Jacques Orjubin a hérité le poste de délégué à la communication et aux relations publiques (Pôle vie). Il a notamment travaillé au cabinet du secrétaire d'État aux Transports, à la Mer et à la Pêche, d'abord à la communication puis en tant que chargé de mission pour le dossier taxis/VTC/LOTI, avant de rejoindre le secrétariat général du Groupe SNCF pour travailler sur des questions de diplomatie économique.

https://www.lantenne.com/Le-Gican-se-tourne-vers-l-international-et-le-numerique_a44101.html

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  • US Air Force relaunches effort to replace MQ-9 Reaper drone

    June 8, 2020 | International, Aerospace

    US Air Force relaunches effort to replace MQ-9 Reaper drone

    By: Valerie Insinna WASHINGTON — It has been eight years since the U.S. Air Force canceled its effort to field a successor to the MQ-9 Reaper, but it appears the service might take another swing at developing a new combat drone. On June 3, the Air Force issued a request for information on a next-generation unmanned aircraft with strike, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, with the intent to accept delivery of the first systems in 2030 and field them in 2031. The solicitation was first reported on by Aviation Week. “With the MQ-9 platform planning for end of service life, a need to identify a solution that continues to provide for this demand is imperative,” the RFI stated. “The purpose of this RFI is to research potential solutions for the Next Generation UAS ISR/Strike platform, the Next Generation Medium Altitude UAS and potential follow-on program to the MQ-9 weapon system.” The Air Force is looking to collect market research on existing technologies as well as systems that are currently under development, with a focus on drones that incorporate advanced technologies such as autonomy, artificial intelligence, machine learning, digital engineering and open-mission systems. In addition, the service is open to attritable technologies — meaning systems that are not cheap enough to be considered expendable, but some losses are still expected in combat. “The Air Force is also interested in researching alternative ways to support future lower-end, lower-cost ISR missions which may include initiatives to modernize, augment, and/or replace existing systems,” the RFI stated. “This RFI inquires about unique and innovative practices that can deliver relevant capability efficiently, timely and at a reduced life-cycle cost.” Although the Air Force has not solidified an acquisition strategy, it intends to hold multiple competitions for the air vehicle itself, as well as its ground control systems and the suite of sensors and data exploitation technology it will use to collect and dissect information. Each technology area will be built to open-architecture standards. Responses to the RFI are due July 20. This latest effort would mark the second time the Air Force has tried to replace the MQ-9 Reaper, currently being manufactured by General Atomics. In its first attempt, known as MQ-X, the service sought to procure a more survivable combat drone that could operate in contested spaces where a Reaper cannot fly. The program was canceled in 2012. Over the years, the Air Force remained mostly quiet about what an MQ-9 replacement could look like. But in 2019, Kenneth Bray, acting associate deputy chief of staff for ISR, said the service has done a fair amount of behind-the-scenes thinking on the topic over the past three to four years. But instead of starting with requirements for the aircraft itself, Bray said the service focused on the data the system would collect and how to optimize the drone's design to to gather and use that information. “We're starting to think not from the sensor or from the platform, we're starting to think from the data and decide: Is it even collecting the right size data, or do I need to have different sensors on those platforms?” he told Defense News. “Are those platforms even relevant anymore, or do I need a different platform because what I need is this type of data, and only this type of platform can get me that type of data? That is how we're going to change our thinking.” In March, Will Roper, the Air Force's top acquisition official, said the service is working on a study that will inform the fiscal 2022 budget and lay out a path for replacing the MQ-9 Reaper. Finding a single replacement to fill the MQ-9′s strike and surveillance mission is unlikely, Roper said, as the service wants to be able to operate in all environments without solely relying on exquisite, pricey systems. The service may need a family of systems that includes high-end, military-specific drones as well as cheaper UAVs that could be sourced from the commercial unmanned systems market, he said. https://www.defensenews.com/air/2020/06/04/the-air-force-is-looking-for-a-next-gen-replacement-to-the-mq-9-reaper-drone/

  • These five items should top Biden’s defense priorities

    February 2, 2021 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    These five items should top Biden’s defense priorities

    By: Sean Kennedy The Biden administration has the opportunity to institute reforms in several crucial areas at the Department of Defense. First and foremost, it should eliminate the overseas contingency operations account. The continued justification for the OCO has reached the stage of parody. Originally intended for emergency spending in response to the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, the account has transitioned into a slush fund designed to inflate spending at the DoD far above the baseline budget and for purposes unrelated to foreign wars. In fiscal 2015, approximately 50 percent of OCO funding was for nonemergency items. An August 2019 Congressional Budget Office report noted that approximately 85 percent of funding for the OCO in FY20 and FY21 “is designated for base-budget and ‘enduring' activities,” funding maintenance in support of foreign operations that will continue regardless of force size. OCO spending has long outpaced the military's presence in combat zones. In FY08, the U.S. deployed an average of 187,000 troops in Afghanistan and Iraq. OCO spending topped $187 billion that year, equating to $1 million per service member. The DoD currently has approximately 5,000 troops stationed in these countries, meaning the $70.7 billion in OCO spending in FY20 equates to $14.1 million in funding per service member — more than 14 times the amount in FY08. With President Joe Biden unlikely to substantially increase the military's footprint in Afghanistan and Iraq, outsized OCO spending will continue in FY21 and beyond, barring reform. The DoD has received approximately $2 trillion from the OCO since 2001. Were it considered to be a federal agency, the FY20 OCO funding would make it the fourth largest, dwarfing spending at all other agencies except the departments of Defense, Health and Human Services, and Veterans Affairs. The incoming administration must also expand efforts to make DoD finances more transparent and accountable. The bookkeeping is so abysmal that areas within the DoD have been on the Government Accountability Office's list of programs at high risk for waste, fraud, abuse and mismanagement since 1995. The financial black hole is nowhere more evident than in the DoD's inability to pass a clean audit, unlike every other federal agency. On Nov. 16, 2020, the Pentagon announced that for the third straight year it failed its financial review. Progress has been incremental, with seven of 24 DoD agencies thus far producing clean audits. However, the DoD estimates that it will not be able to pass an audit before 2027, or 37 years after it was required to do so by law. The DoD must also determine the replacement mechanism for the chief management officer position, which was the No. 3 civilian slot until it was eliminated in the FY21 National Defense Authorization Act. Despite identifying $22.3 billion in savings between FY18 and FY21, legislators bowed to Pentagon pressure, distributing the duties and responsibilities of the role to various existing positions with far less authority. The acquisition side is also a mess, including several infamous procurement disasters that epitomize the Pentagon's systemic problems. The foremost example is the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. The program has been under continuous development since the contract was awarded in 2001, and has encountered innumerable delays and cost overruns. Total acquisition costs now exceed $428 billion, nearly double the initial estimate of $233 billion. The total costs for the F-35 are estimated to reach $1.727 trillion over the lifetime of the program. On Jan. 14, 2021, then-acting Defense Secretary Christopher Miller labeled the Joint Strike Fighter a “piece of sh*t.” Enough said. Many of the problems with the F-35 program can be traced to the decision to develop and procure the Joint Strike Fighter simultaneously. Whenever problems have been identified, contractors needed to go back and make changes to aircraft that were already assembled, adding to overall costs. Of course none of this has stopped the Pentagon from asking for Joint Strike Fighter funding, and members of Congress from supplying it, oftentimes exceeding the request from the DoD. This trend continued in FY20, when legislators added $2.1 billion in earmarks to fund the acquisition of 22 Joint Strike Fighters beyond the amount requested by the Pentagon, bringing the total amount of earmarks for the program to $8.9 billion since FY01. Lastly, the Biden administration would do well to introduce some stability into Pentagon leadership. Every defense secretary brings to the job different priorities for the government's largest bureaucracy. President Donald Trump burned through two confirmed and four acting secretaries, the most for any administration. President Biden should endeavor to reverse this churn. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2021/02/01/these-five-items-should-top-bidens-defense-priorities/

  • Leidos awarded $7.9 billion U.S. Army tactical IT hardware contract

    September 20, 2023 | International, C4ISR

    Leidos awarded $7.9 billion U.S. Army tactical IT hardware contract

    The contract has a maximum value of $7.9 billion if all options are exercised.

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