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January 27, 2021 | International, Aerospace

Entretien avec Eric Trappier, Président du GIFAS et PDG de Dassault Aviation

DEFENSE

Entretien avec Eric Trappier, Président du GIFAS et PDG de Dassault Aviation

Eric Trappier, Président du GIFAS et PDG de Dassault Aviation, était invité sur Europe 1 mardi 26 janvier. Le dirigeant a souligné que la signature du contrat de vente de 18 avions de combat Rafale à la Grèce, qui s'inscrit dans la continuité d'un partenariat historique, représente également « un tournant », puisqu'il s'agit du premier contrat Rafale signé en Europe. Ce contrat met en évidence l'interopérabilité de l'avion de combat avec les alliés de la France. La construction de 18 avions Rafale (6 appareils destinés à la Grèce et 12 destinés à l'armée de l'Air française dans le cadre d'une commande à venir du gouvernement français afin de remplacer les appareils prélevés en faveur de la Grèce), garantit « un an et demi » de travail dans les usines de Dassault Aviation, et sollicitera « 7 000 personnes » dans ces usines, situées en France. M. Trappier est par ailleurs revenu sur l'importance d'un soutien sur le long terme des compétences et des technologies pour l'ensemble de la filière aéronautique et spatiale, et sur les enjeux de souveraineté qui y sont liés, rappelant le rôle du GIFAS à cet égard. Il a évoqué également le fonds français mis en place dans le cadre du plan de Relance, qui doit contribuer à garantir la sauvegarde de la supply chain et des pépites françaises. Le dirigeant a enfin souligné le caractère crucial de la prise en compte stratégique des enjeux liés à l'espace, pour la défense française et européenne.

Europe1 Matin du 27 janvier

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  • What the Pentagon should (and should not) get in the next stimulus bill

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Even seemingly minor production pauses of weeks are combining with broader quarantine restrictions to wreak havoc on program schedules. While the Pentagon has many tools at its disposal — accelerating awards and progress payments as well as lifting contracting restrictions — the acquisition team simply cannot respond to this crisis without more resources available. Absent additional liquidity, contractors face the impossible choice between letting workers go or facing the reality that they will have no jobs to return to. Small businesses and subcontractors are particularly vulnerable, as they have far less slack to respond to crises. Many live contract to contract, as indicated by a 2018 Department of Defense report on industrial base fragility. These small firms providing needed materials, labor and technology to companies designated as “essential” are struggling with COVID like everyone else. Their employees are either afraid to come to work out of fear of contraction and contagion, or they're sick with the virus. The vicious cycle — where people want to work but can't — means schedules slip. If there is no work, there is no revenue, which means layoffs. Already around the country, a major defense contractor had to shut down two plants; a shipbuilder is struggling to get employees to show up; another defense firm has laid off employees; and still others can't get to work because classified spaces are off limits. To ensure workforces remain intact, lawmakers need to move quickly to pay contractors who cannot work because of COVID-19 effects, as delays are now averaging three months. Fixing this is as simple as measuring the impact of COVID-19 on contracts and ensuring a reasonable payment for that delay, which will be billions of dollars, according to acquisition czar Ellen Lord. It's no different than legal remedies for “acts of God.” Also, the DoD can consider a subset of its unfunded priorities list to get projects on contract that are executable very quickly and inject liquidity into the defense contractor workforce. These unfunded priorities run the gamut, from weapons production to software development. Similarly, there are always “incremental” projects that can be accelerated, like facilities sustainment and depot maintenance. Using unfunded priorities to inject liquidity into the defense-industrial base isn't the ideal tool, but all options must be brought to bear to deal with this crisis. The majority of defense dollars allocated to the big prime contractors go back out the door to their suppliers and vendors — many of which are small businesses. While many of the easiest financial levers to pull involve getting contracts to primes, Congress and the Pentagon need to emphasize that this money — whether it be new contracts, accelerated contracts or increased progress payments — must be passed on to major suppliers and subcontractors. If the behemoths of defense industry don't share the wealth and take care of their supply chain, there won't be more money, contracts or authority for additional progress payments from Congress. Contractor leadership must take care of workers — including those of its vendors. Lastly, Congress can provide Defense Production Act Title III funding to directly target injections of cash to the emergent needs of small businesses and subcontractors, including many up-and-coming innovative firms and single-source suppliers. So far, DPA funding has been focused on contracting for additional personal protective equipment, but the DPA was equally built to protect the defense-industrial base. The industrial base was already hurt by the Budget Control Act, and it's been busy rebuilding under Trump, only to get whacked again by COVID-19. Employees need to know the work is there, their safety is a priority and their jobs are safe. If the Pentagon and primes don't take care of their suppliers and subcontractors, the defense-industrial base will contract again, losing crucial skills and talents permanently — and possibly seeing those companies bought up by China. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/04/27/what-the-pentagon-should-and-should-not-get-in-the-next-stimulus-bill/

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