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  October 15, 2019 | International, Aerospace

  Helsinki dispose de 11 milliards pour son nouvel avion

  Pascal Kümmerling Le gouvernement finlandais a fixé un plafond de 11 milliards de dollars américains pour l'achat du futur avion de combat a annoncé mercredi le ministère de la Défense. Le plafond financier comprendra le coût d'achat de nouveaux jets, de leurs armes et de divers systèmes au sol. Le projet vise à remplacer la flotte actuelle de 64 avions de combat F/A-18C/D « Hornet » achetés aux États-Unis au début des années 90. Le ministre finlandais de la Défense, Antti Kaikkonen, a déclaré que le nombre de nouveaux avions à acheter pourrait être supérieur ou égal au niveau actuel et espérait qu'il ne serait pas inférieur. Les bases du projet La Finlande ne veut pas sacrifier sa capacité d'engagement en temps de paix et doit pouvoir compter sur une dotation lui permettant un engagement sur de longs mois en cas de situation tendue au niveau international. Pour ce faire la Force aérienne veut un minimum de 64 nouveaux avions de combat multirôle, soit la même dotation qu'actuellement. Pour la Finlande il n'est pas question de sacrifier sa capacité d'action. L'avion doit pouvoir évoluer en réseau connecté avec les systèmes de défenses au sol et le reste de l'armée. A noter, que la Finlande estime que les coûts à l'heure de vol pourraient atteindre trois fois le montant du prix d'achat sur une période de 30 ans. Cette donnée sera prise en compte pour le choix final. Les aéronefs en compétition On retrouve une nouvelle fois les grands classiques du moment, avec le Lockheed-Martin F-35 «Lightning II», le Saab JAS-39 Gripen E MS21, l'Eurofighter «Typhoon II» T3A/B Block20 et le Dassault Rafale F3-R, ainsi que le Boeing F/A-18 E/F « Advanced Super Hornet ». Essais techniques La Finlande a observé avec intérêt les essais des quatre avions effectués ce printemps dans notre pays à Payerne. Le pays procédera également à des tests techniques qui seront effectués en Finlande cet hiver. Mais avant cela, le pays enverra des demandes d'offre plus détaillées aux candidats durant l'automne. Les dernières offres seront organisées en 2020. Le gouvernement finlandais fera son choix en 2021. Le Hornet en Finlande C'est en 1992 que la Finlande décida d'acquérir 64 F/A-18 C/D «Hornet» pour remplacer les bons vieux MiG-21 et Saab J-35 «Draken». A l'époque, les Hornet finlandais ne sont pas complètement équipés, notamment en matière de guerre électronique et d'avionique, ce qui avait permis à l'époque de faire baisser le prix d'achat. Mais dès le début des années 2000, la Finlande décida d'équiper ses « Hornet » des systèmes manquants. Depuis les « Hornet » finlandais ont reçu les missiles air-air à moyenne portée de type AIM-120 AMRAAM avec un système de système de visée plus performant et de doter ceux-ci, du système de guerre électronique AN/ALQ-67. Le groupe de travail du ministère de la Défense finlandais a recommandé que la flotte de F/A-18C/D puisse entrer en retraite durant la période 2025-2030. A signaler, que la Finlande considère que le coût d'un programme d'extension de vie des « Hornet » est à la fois risqué et prohibitif. https://blogs.letemps.ch/pascal-kuemmerling/2019/10/13/helsinki-dispose-de-11-milliards-pour-son-nouvel-avion/

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  September 10, 2018 | International, Aerospace

  ‘We are not dupes’: France takes step away from US with fighter program

  By: Pierre Tran PARIS — France has linked its search for independence from U.S. export rules with the Franco-German project for a future fighter jet, in a bid to boost foreign sales of the aircraft, the French armed forces minister said. France's effort to become less dependent on U.S. components and promote exports were written into the same letter of intent signed in June with Germany for the FCAS project, Florence Parly told AJPAE, the aeronautics and space journalists association, on Sept. 6. “The exportability of the (Future Combat Air System) is a key element to ensure the economic viability of the program,” she said. “We have to think as upstream as possible to secure this exportability.” The minister previously told parliamentarians the French government aims to cut its reliance on U.S. components in the wake of an American refusal to authorize the sale of parts for a French Scalp cruise missile requested by Egypt. French attempts to persuade Washington to lift restrictions under U.S. International Traffic in Arms Regulations have failed. Parly declined to give examples, but she said the problems Paris has encountered in the pursuit of foreign arms sales “stemmed in appearance from strategic factors and in reality from commercial competition." “We are not dupes,” she said. France needs to gradually cut its reliance on certain American components, although it is impossible to be completely independent, she admitted, adding that there is a plan to reduce that dependence. “Experience has led us to undertake this action,” she said. Companies should take the responsibility for greater independence, as they faced the consequences of failed export efforts, she said. “They are in the front line,” she said, noting that the government is in dialog with industry and that some companies already understand the situation and are fully committed. https://www.defensenews.com/air/2018/09/07/we-are-not-dupes-france-takes-step-away-from-us-with-fighter-program

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  March 11, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

  Poll: Germans, Americans far apart on use of military, defense spending

  By: Sebastian Sprenger COLOGNE, Germany — Germans and Americans remain far apart on defense issues, ranging from when to use the military, how much to spend on defense and which country poses a bigger challenge — Russia or China — according to a new study unveiled Monday. “Three years into a turbulent period of American-German relations, with Donald Trump at the helm of American foreign policy and Angela Merkel leading Germany, there continues to be a wide divergence in views of bilateral relations and security policy between the publics of both countries,” said a Pew Research Center study published in cooperation with Koerber Stiftung, a German think tank. The two organizations each polled about 1,000 adults in September 2019 in the United States and Germany. Also included in the data are results from Pew's “global attitudes” survey conducted in both countries during the spring and summer of 2019. The results are unlikely to surprise anyone following trans-Atlantic relations, but they put into perspective why deep-seated differences persist in crafting a more coherent political show of force between the two nations. While roughly 80 percent Americans believe that using military might is sometimes necessary to maintain order in the world, Germans were almost split evenly on the same question, with a slight majority disagreeing. On the question of defending a fellow NATO ally against Russia in the event of a conflict, 6 in 10 Americans said the United States should help, whereas 6 in 10 German respondents said their country should not get involved. At the same time, Germans saw the United States high up in the list of key foreign policy allies, much higher than Americans viewed Germany. Asked to name their most or second-most important partner, 42 percent of Germans mentioned the United Sates, surpassed only by the their top choice of France, at 60 percent. For Americans, the British ranked highest on the same question, at 36 percent, followed by China (23 percent), Canada (20 percent) and Israel (15 percent). “One area of convergence is the broad support in both the U.S. and Germany for more cooperation with France and Japan. And similar majorities in the U.S. and Germany want to cooperate more with China,” the study read. As for cooperation with Russia, “Germans are almost twice as likely as Americans to want greater collaboration,” it added. When it comes to defense spending, 35 percent of Americans felt that Europeans should up their military budget, with 50 percent saying it should stay the same and 9 percent saying it should decrease. In 2017, the share of Americans wanting an increase was 45 percent. In Germany, the acceptance for defense budget increases has grown since 2017, when only 32 percent of those polled voiced support and 50 percent wanted it to remain the same. In 2018, 43 percent of respondents supported an increase. At the mid-February Munich Security Conference, much was made about the European Union's need to “learn to use the language of power,” as Josep Borrell, the bloc's defense and foreign policy chief, put it. That, of course, would cost money. Germans have traditionally frowned upon that kind of talk, though there is an increasing awareness of geopolitical perils in the wake of Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, Jeffrey Rathke, president of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies at Johns Hopkins University, said in an interview last month. “Germany has been able to get by with its rhetorical response to the deteriorating security environment,” he said. “Now it's increasingly obvious that that is no longer enough.” While the country has significantly upped its defense spending, sensitizing the public for operational contributions to Europe's security will be a crucial next step for this government and the next, Rathke argued. The Pew and Koerber figures point to a generational change in the general attitudes of Germans and Americans about one another. “Despite these divergences in opinion, young people in both countries have more positive views of the U.S.-German relationship,” the study read. “In the U.S., for example, 82 percent of people ages 18 to 29 say the relationship is good, compared with 73 percent of those ages 65 and older. Similarly, in Germany, four-in-ten young people say relations with the U.S. are good, compared with only 31 percent of those 65 and older.” Notably, the two countries' militaries enjoy a much closer level of cooperation than the political discourse suggests, especially during the Trump administration, a fact that officials in both countries keep stressing when the tone between Berlin and Washington turns particularly icy. “There is an instinctive perception in the German public to defense matters anchored in Europe and the trans-Atlantic alliance,” Rathke said. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/03/09/poll-germans-americans-far-apart-on-use-of-military-defense-spending/