Army to hold competition to build ventilators for COVID-19 emergency response

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  August 25, 2024 | International, C4ISR, Security

  Telegram Founder Pavel Durov Arrested in France for Content Moderation Failures

  Telegram CEO Pavel Durov arrested in France over content moderation issues. Platform faces scrutiny for alleged facilitation of cybercrime and illegal

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  October 21, 2019 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

  What can Ukraine expect from Canada’s federal election?

  By Olena Goncharova. EDMONTON, Canada — As Canadians head to the polls on Oct. 21, the Ukrainian government may be wondering how a potential change in leadership could alter relations with Kyiv's closest overseas ally. Among the numerous parties represented on ballots across the country, there are six with enough legitimacy and reach to take part in nationally televised debates, and only three — the Liberal, Conservative and New Democratic parties — which will almost certainly garner the overwhelming majority of votes. And the real contest comes down to only two: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's Liberal Party and Andrew Scheer's Conservative Party, which have been exchanging leads or tied for almost the entirety of the parliamentary campaign. While the candidates are competing on an array of issues ranging from climate change to economic policy, this time foreign policy has played an even more substantial role than usual in how the parties have defined themselves. The 2019 campaign is different from previous ones due to an increasingly dangerous international environment and uncertainty over U.S.-Canadian relations. But no matter the election outcome, there is unlikely to be any significant change from Canada's current political stance vis-a-vis Ukraine, experts believe. The ruling Liberals put “democracy, human rights, international law, and environmental protection” at the heart of their foreign policy. In their campaign, they are calling for the establishment of the Canadian Center for Peace, Order, and Good Government, which will lend expertise and assistance to those seeking to build peace and advance justice. They also call for a continued increase in Canada's international development assistance every year until 2030 and want to ratchet up the Magnitsky sanctions regime on foreign human rights offenders. However, the Liberals do not have any specific points geared towards Ukraine. The Conservatives' promises are more detailed. They want to cut 25 percent of all foreign aid spending, strengthen ties with Japan, India, and Israel and deepen their commitment to Canada's democratic alliances — NATO and the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD). Under the Liberal government, international assistance in 2018 stood at $6.1 billion and accounted for almost 1.8 percent of federal budget spending. And $57 million of that aid went to Ukraine. In its campaign, the Conservative Party has promised to refocus aid away from middle-income and higher-income countries, a category which would seem to include Ukraine. However, Scheer says a Conservative government would increase military and other aid to Ukraine. Other Conservative platform positions include supplying the Ukrainian military with lethal defensive weapons, restoring the practice of sharing RADARSAT-2 imagery with the Ukrainian army and providing additional humanitarian assistance to support internally displaced people. Fen Hampson, an international affairs expert and professor at Carleton University in Ottawa, says both candidates “are and have been strongly pro-Ukraine” and will continue to apply sanctions against Russia and provide economic assistance to Kyiv. In fact, the biggest risk to Canadian support for Ukraine is likely connected not to which party is victorious, but to the absence of a winning party. “If we have a minority government as many are now predicting, which is to say neither party wins a majority in parliament and has to work with other parties, this may mean a government that is focused on internal as opposed to international issues,” Hampson said in a written comment to the Kyiv Post. “That could have an impact on the government's ability to do things proactively, including in foreign policy.” Other experts interviewed by the Kyiv Post share Hampson's take. Andrew Rasiulis, a former director of military training and co-operation at the Department of National Defence and a fellow at the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, agrees that the two parties have “pretty much the identical position on the issue of Ukraine.” Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky shifted the world's focus toward Ukraine by calling for peace in Donbas and opening negotiations with Russia in the so-called Normandy format peace talks. Canada might have a specific role to play in it, Rasiulis argues, but the new Canadian government will be very cautious in this realm. “They would not want Canada to be caught outside the game, because if there is a Normandy format summit — possibly in November — Canada has a choice to make,” Rasiulis told the Kyiv Post. “We can either be on the sidelines and won't talk to the Russians unless they leave Donbas and return Crimea. But on the other hand, if there are negotiations, then Canada could play a role in terms of offering a peacekeeping force. That force hasn't been discussed yet but I believe it will come up.” Rasiulis believes that if Ukraine implements the Steinmeier Formula as a potential way to reinvigorate negotiations with Russia over the war, which has killed more than 13,000 people in eastern Ukraine, Canada can offer its peacekeeping force to help secure the Russia-Ukraine border during local elections in Donbas and convince Russia that “this force can be objective.” Read More: What is the ‘Steinmeier Formula' and why are so many Ukrainians against it? Over the past four years of the Trudeau government, Canada's armed forces have been present in Ukraine as part of Operation Unifier, which runs until 2022. About 200 Canadian troops working in six-month cycles have trained over 13,000 members of Ukrainian security forces to date. Though Canada is not a major military power, its troops are efficient and well-trained and “have passed on some of their knowledge to those engaged in security issues” and the war in Donbas, argues David R. Marples, a historian and professor at the University of Alberta. Liberal Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland — who is of Ukrainian ancestry on her mother's side — has also been a consistent and outspoken supporter of Ukraine, and is banned from entering the Russian Federation as a result. “It seems clear, therefore, that Ukrainians will not be worse off if Trudeau and the Liberals are granted a second term in office,” Marples said. The historian stresses that the Conservative government's policies might be a bit harder to predict. “Though Scheer is unlikely to make any conciliatory moves toward Russia, the bigger question is whether Ukraine is on his horizon at all, insofar (as) his major focus is on China — he has demanded a much stiffer response to the recent actions of the Chinese government, which have included the arrest of three Canadian businessmen,” Marples said. “On the other hand, he has expressed concern about the lack of unity among NATO allies, with an implicit sideswipe at President Donald J. Trump and his nebulous policies and apparent kinship with dictators.” Moreover, Scheer is close to former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, who was a fervent opponent of Russian President Vladimir Putin. “Though the extent of Harper's influence in a future Conservative government is unclear, he has often appeared alongside Scheer at public events,” Marples told the Kyiv Post. “For Harper, the priority was dealing with Russia — which he often equated with Communism — rather than China. Scheer appears more reticent, even distant from such an ideological stance.” https://www.kyivpost.com/world/what-can-ukraine-expect-from-canadas-federal-election.html?cn-reloaded=1

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  October 29, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security, Other Defence

  Contract Awards by US Department of Defense – October 28, 2020

  AIR FORCE Megan-PCI JV LLC, Dayton, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0002); CPM-AWA LLC, Dayton, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0003); Peak Runge Co. JV, Port Clinton, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0004); John Cecil Construction Co., Columbus, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0005); NISOU LGC JV LLC, Detroit, Michigan (FA8601-21-D-0006); CAM Management and Services, Dayton, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0007); Pontiac Drywall Systems Inc., Pontiac, Michigan (FA8601-21-D-0008); OAC Action Construction, Miami, Florida (FA8601-21-D0009); Butt Construction Co., Dayton, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0010); Dawn Inc., Warren, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0011); A&H Ambica JV LLC, Livonia, Michigan (FA8601-21-D-0012); and Pinnacle Construction & Development, Independence, Ohio (FA8601-21-D-0013), have been awarded a $247,000,000 multiple award, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract for construction projects. Work will be performed at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, and is expected to be completed Aug. 31, 2025. These awards are the result of a competitive acquisition and 21 offers were received. Fiscal 2021 operations and maintenance funds in the amount of $2,500 are being obligated to each contractor at the time of award. The Air Force Life Cycle Management Center, Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio, is the contracting activity. Lockheed Martin Corp., Syracuse, New York, has been awarded a $25,000,000 ceiling indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract for the Atmospheric Early Warning System AN/FPS-117 Radar program. This contract provides for contractor logistics support and radar hardware/spares procurement. Work will be performed in Syracuse, New York, as well as various sites in Alaska, Hawaii, Canada, Puerto Rico and Utah. The work is expected to be complete by March 2026. This award is the result of a sole-source acquisition. Fiscal 2020 operations and maintenance funds in the amount of $3,946,336 are being obligated at the time of award. Hill Air Force Base, Utah, is the contracting activity (FA8217-20-D-0006). NAVY Q.E.D. Systems Inc., Virginia Beach, Virginia, is awarded a $76,360,281 cost-plus-fixed-fee contract for specification development and availability execution support, formerly known as third party planning services for guided missile cruiser (CG), guided missile destroyer (DDG), landing helicopter assault, landing helicopter dock landing platform dock, and dock landing ship class vessels. This contract includes options which, if exercised, would bring the cumulative value of this contract to $229,411,097. Work will be performed in Norfolk, Virginia (51%); San Diego, California (43%); and Everett, Washington (6%), and is expected to be completed by October 2023. Fiscal 2021 operations and maintenance (Navy) funding in the amount of $2,825,931 is being obligated at time of award and funding in the amount of $2,825,931 will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was not competitively procured; a history of one bids and a lack of sources sought responses form the basis of the justification and approval for this effort. This single source contract to Q.E.D. will allow the government additional time to conduct extensive market research in preparation for a follow-on competitive effort. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity (N00024-21-C-4200). DRS Systems Co. Inc., Melbourne, Florida, is awarded a $10,503,852 cost-plus-fixed-fee modification to previously awarded contract N00024-13-C-4229 for an engineering change to the Energy Magazine Prototype design for the DDG51-class destroyer program. This award is for an engineering change proposal to the Energy Storage Module that will provide capability to supply power to a directed energy load and includes design, build and testing for a total of two prototype units. Work will be performed in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and is expected to be completed by June 2022. No funding will be obligated at time of award. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity. Lockheed Martin Corp., Missiles and Fire Control, Orlando, Florida, is awarded a $9,835,348 cost-plus-fixed-fee order (N00019-21-F-0062) against previously issued basic ordering agreement N00019-19-G-0029. This order provides non-recurring engineering for the production of target designator sets and electro-optical in support of AH-1Z Light Attack helicopters for Foreign Military Sales (FMS) customers. Work will be performed in Orlando, Florida (97%); and Ocala, Florida (3%), and is expected to be completed in November 2022. FMS funds in the amount of $9,835,348 will be obligated at time of award, none of which will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Air Systems Command, Patuxent River, Maryland, is the contracting activity. ARMY General Atomics Aeronautical Systems Inc., Poway, California, was awarded a $70,706,229 modification (P00019) to contract W31P4Q-15-D-0003 for engineering and technical services required to accomplish research, development, integration, test, sustainment and operation across the family of General Atomics Aeronautical Systems Inc. unmanned aircraft systems. Work locations and funding will be determined with each order, with an estimated completion date of Jan. 27, 2022. U.S. Army Contracting Command, Redstone Arsenal, Alabama, is the contracting activity. *Small business https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Contracts/Contract/Article/2397509/source/GovDelivery/