September 14, 2020 | Local, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security
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David Pugliese, Ottawa Citizen, Postmedia News (dpugliese@ottawacitizen.com)
Published: Sep 11 at 7 a.m.
Updated: Sep 11 at 2:01 p.m.
Candidates have been interviewed for the country's top military position but whoever is selected will likely have the tough job of presiding over significant cuts to the Canadian Forces as the federal government tries to get its fiscal house in order.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced July 23 that Gen. Jonathan Vance would leave the position as chief of the defence staff, the job he has held since July 2015. Trudeau said he expected a new CDS to be named in the coming months.
Defence and government sources say interviews for the position were held this week with a number of candidates.
Lt.-Gen. Christine Whitecross, who is heading into retirement, is considered the front-runner for the job if she wants it. Whitecross still has an office at defence headquarters at Carling Avenue and there is an interest in the Liberal government to have a woman in the job of defence chief for the first time.
The view that Whitecross has strong support within the Liberal government was further solidified when Trudeau took the unusual step on July 18 of singling out the lieutenant general on Twitter. He thanked the officer for her three decades of service in the Canadian Forces and for “being a strong voice for gender equality in the military.”
Among the other individuals considered to be candidates for the chief of defence staff job are Lt.-Gen. Mike Rouleau, who recently took over as second-in-command of the Canadian Forces, navy commander Vice Adm. Art McDonald, air force commander Lt.-Gen. Al Meinzinger and army commander Lt.-Gen. Wayne Eyre. Vice-Admiral Darren Hawco's name has also been mentioned. At least eight individuals were to be interviewed, according to various government sources.
But the new CDS is expected to face the challenge of dealing with significant budget cuts because of the financial strain on federal coffers created by the novel coronavirus pandemic.
Spending on various emergency relief programs has resulted in Canada's deficit increasing to $343 billion this year, according to the federal government's economic snapshot released in early July.
Trudeau has acknowledged that the full economic impact of the pandemic is unknown. A second COVID-19 wave could further worsen the economic situation.
Department of National Defence deputy minister Jody Thomas said in a June 5 interview with The Canadian Press that she hasn't seen any indication defence spending, and the government's defence policy called Strong, Secure, Engaged, or SSE, will even be affected at all by COVID-19. There have been no slowdowns and the DND and Canadian Forces has been aggressively pushing forward on implementing SSE, according to Thomas.
Behind the scenes, however, there is significant concern within some quarters in the military about the cuts expected in the coming years. Some organizations within National Defence headquarters have already told staff to prepare for a rocky road in the future.
The Canadian Armed Forces and Department of National Defence, with the largest source of discretionary funds in the federal government, is a ripe target for cost-cutting. DND's current budget is listed as $21.9 billion.
SSE has been billed by the Liberal government and its supporters as “a historical investment in Canada's military” since it promises $497 billion for the Canadian Armed Forces over 20 years. But the policy was always built on shaky foundations, as was the previous Canada First Defence Strategy brought in by the Conservative government and largely undercut by funding reductions at that time.
Despite defence analysts' cheerleading on both policies, the fact is that such strategies only promise future spending. There is no guarantee and plans can be jettisoned as fiscal circumstances change.
In 1994 the Liberal government of Prime Minister Jean Chretien embarked on significant cost-cutting measures throughout the federal government as it struggled to deal with the deficit. The Canadian Forces and the DND were a prime target during that period. Equipment was mothballed. Military and civilian staff were cut.
The coming years could see a replay of similar cost-reduction measures.
Copyright Postmedia Network Inc., 2020
May 29, 2023 | Local, Naval
Almost a decade ago, the notion of a conflict between the United States and its allies on one side and China on the other was described as the “unthinkable war” by major foreign policy and defence observers. Lately, it’s become clear that those same experts are thinking through the unthinkable.
October 15, 2019 | Local, Security
DAVID PUGLIESE, OTTAWA CITIZEN The U.S. should follow Canada's lead in putting far-right extremist groups on its list of outlawed terrorist organizations, a new report on the danger of the white supremacist movement recommends. There is also a growing trend for white supremacist groups to seek military training and experience in foreign conflicts, particularly in Ukraine, warns the New York-based Soufan Center in its report “White Supremacy Extremism: The Transnational Rise of The Violent White Supremacist Movement. U.S. government efforts to fight white supremacy extremism (WSE) are lacking despite the increasing danger it poses, the report pointed out. “White supremacy extremism is a transnational challenge — its tentacles reach from Canada to Australia, and the United States to Ukraine – but it has evolved at a different pace in different parts of the world,” noted the report. “To make serious progress, the United States should consider building upon Canada and the United Kingdom's leadership by sanctioning transnational WSE groups as foreign terrorist organizations.” The report specifically pointed to Canadian efforts against the international neo-Nazi network called Blood & Honor. In June, Canada for the first time added right-wing extremist groups to its list of terrorist organizations. Blood & Honor as well as its armed branch, Combat 18, which has carried out murders and bombings around the world, were both put on the list. Blood & Honor was founded in the United Kingdom in the late 1980s but has supporters in Canada. By designating white supremacist groups as international terrorists, the U.S. government could hinder the travel of their members and prosecute individuals for providing material support to designated groups. In 2018 white supremacist extremists were connected to 50 murders in the U.S. The Soufan Center, created by former FBI agent Ali Soufan who was involved in a number of counter-terrorism cases, also warned white nationalists have been traveling to Ukraine to learn combat skills. Such recruits are on both sides of the conflict between Ukraine and pro-Russian separatists and an estimated 17,000 foreigners from 50 countries have gone to fight in that war, it added. “In Ukraine, the Azov Battalion has recruited foreign fighters motivated by white supremacy and neo-Nazi beliefs, including many from the West, to join its ranks and receive training, indoctrination, and instruction in irregular warfare,” the report outlined. The Azov Battalion has been formerly incorporated into the Ukrainian military, at least in theory, the report added. But the battalion has cultivated a relationship with members of the Atomwaffen Division, a U.S.-based neo-Nazi terrorist network. In late September police arrested a U.S. Army soldier in Kansas for allegedly sharing bomb-making instructions online and discussing attacks on the news media, left-leaning activists and former U.S. Congressman Beto O'Rourke. The soldier, Jarrett William Smith, was interested in joining the Azov Battalion in Ukraine, according to the FBI. He was corresponding with another man in Texas who had fought in Ukraine for a right-wing extremist organization. In June 2018 Canadian government and military officials in Ukraine met with members of the Azov Battalion, which earlier that year had been banned by the U.S. Congress from receiving American arms because of its links to neo-Nazis The Canadians were photographed with battalion members, images which were shared on the unit's social media site In a statement to this newspaper Department of National Defence spokesman Dan Le Bouthillier said the meeting was planned by Ukrainian authorities and Canadian representatives had no prior knowledge of those who would be invited. “Canada has not, does not, and will not be providing support to Azov and affiliated entities,” Le Bouthillier said. “Canada is strongly opposed to the glorification of Nazism and all forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, intolerance and extremism.” The Soufan Center report also noted that Russian neo-Nazis have links with white supremacists in western nations. On the other side of the conflict in Ukraine, Russian groups like the Russian Imperial Movement and its paramilitary unit have also attracted and trained foreign fighters motivated by white supremacy and neo-Nazi beliefs, the report added. https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/us-should-follow-canadas-lead-in-placing-far-right-groups-on-terror-list-says-report
January 25, 2021 | Local, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security
Government can put focus on opportunities in new presidential agenda rather than on old irritants Colin Robertson · for CBC News Opinion · Posted: Jan 19, 2021 4:00 AM ET | Last Updated: January 19 This column is an opinion by Colin Robertson, a former Canadian diplomat and now vice-president and fellow at the Canadian Global Affairs Institute. For more information about CBC's Opinion section, please see the FAQ. Joe Biden's return to the White House, this time as president, gives Canada a chance to reset what has been a tempestuous ride with Donald Trump. Biden has set himself a formidable to-do list: the pandemic; economic recovery; climate; racial justice; restoring democracy. For Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's first meeting with Biden after his inauguration, the government needs to look closely at that agenda. Rather than focusing on the perennial irritants, it should identify where Canada can offer help and solutions, because we share many of these challenges. Biden's immediate priority is vaccinating Americans so the country can recover socially and economically from COVID-19, and Trudeau has the same focus. The multilateral response to the pandemic could have been much more effective and would have benefited all if our two nations had collaborated from the outset. But it's not too late to start. Some of our best practices will also have application in hard-pressed developing nations, and what better demonstration that "America is back" and "ready to lead the world," as Biden put it, than to work closer with Canada and share what we have jointly learned about dealing with this virus. On climate, if Biden rejoins the Paris Agreement as promised, Canada and the U.S. will be back in sync in terms of emission-reduction targets. Together, we need to look to November's Glasgow conference and what we want to accomplish there, as it will be both a stock-taking of Paris commitments and a setting of new goals. With this in mind, Trudeau should offer to lead a North American approach to carbon pricing, including instituting a border tax on imports from those nations that don't meet their climate commitments. Closer collaboration would also involve identifying best practices and areas for shared research, including initiatives at the state and provincial level. If Mexico were asked to join in, it would go a long way to reviving North American collaboration in other areas as well, like immigration and addressing some of the troubles involving Mexico's Central American neighbours. On the issue of mutual defence, unlike Trump, Biden has indicated he believes in collective security and that he embraces NATO. Meanwhile, our binational NORAD agreement needs renewal, and an Arctic strategy is the missing piece in Canada's defence policy. American presidents from Ronald Reagan on have told us that if Canada claims sovereignty over the North, then we must exercise it. If we dither, the U.S. will set the parameters for us. To avoid this, we need to quickly take the lead in proposing a joint strategy. Reinvesting in our Arctic would also spark a northern economic renaissance, as well as secure the critical minerals vital to advanced manufacturing. Joining Biden's proposed club of democracies also makes sense, especially if it focuses on human rights, development goals, setting digital standards, and strengthening nascent democracies. Likewise, standing up to the authoritarians, especially China, is overdue. China's a la carte approach to multilateralism means scooping up the benefits of globalization while ignoring the rules and conventions of global institutions. As a result, China will likely dominate the Biden administration's foreign and security policy deliberations. As part of those deliberations, Canada needs President Biden to promise that any deal lifting the U.S. extradition request for Meng Wanzhou will include freeing the two Michaels – Canadians Kovrig and Spavor, detained in China since December 2018. With Canada having about 300,000 expatriates at risk in Hong Kong, we should also offer to co-lead, with Britain, a G7 approach to sustaining the liberties that China guaranteed to Hong Kong. And we must carefully strategize confrontations involving the U.S. itself. In his first conversation with the president-elect on Nov. 9 after the U.S. election, Prime Minister Trudeau pressed him on the Keystone XL pipeline that Biden has repeatedly pledged to rescind. The arguments supporting Keystone XL are unchanged: as one of 70 pipelines that crisscross our border, it safely supplements American energy independence with a secure and reliable supply of oil. And innovations by oilsands producers have significantly reduced the industry's environmental footprint. Biden already knows all this. But could he really be expected to go back on his promise to environmentalists, a key constituency in his fragile Democratic government? Leading with your chin is a bad idea, and Canada needs to be pragmatic. Indeed, reports Sunday indicated that Biden plans to rescind permission for the pipeline in his first day in office. If that turns out to be the case, Keystone XL is an important issue that requires ongoing attention through different levels of government, but we also need to be realistic in our expectations. The Harper government made Keystone XL the litmus test of its relationship with the Obama administration and it was a mistake, frustrating progress on other issues. Meanwhile, a pipeline we should be vigorously defending is the 65-year-old Line 5 that Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer wants closed. This pipeline supplies about 45 per cent of the crude oil used by Ontario and Quebec. Let's also be realistic about Buy American, which is integral to Biden's trillion-dollar Made in America and Build Back Better initiatives. It's equally unlikely that he'll back away from these plans, but we should remember how Canada finessed former president Barack Obama's big build economic recovery initiative. With state-level procurement outside of the NAFTA deal, then-prime minister Stephen Harper turned to the Council of the Federation. Led by premiers Brad Wall and Jean Charest, they negotiated a reciprocity agreement with their governor counterparts that gave Canadians a piece of the pie. Keystone XL and Buy America remind us that our close, deep and profitable U.S. trade relationship requires a calibrated approach involving different levels of government. Several of the provinces have representation in Washington. Quebec has long had offices throughout the U.S., for example, and provincial efforts complement those of our Embassy and consulates; indeed on issues like Keystone they effectively lead. The Canadian tendency to push it all to the top-level leaders is self-defeating. When presidents meet with prime ministers, they expect top-table discussions befitting G7 and G20 leaders. Effective relations with the new Biden administration will mean dealing with problems at the appropriate level – including cabinet officers, premiers and governors, and our ambassadors. This obliges us to invest in our diplomatic service so that we can bring their intelligence-gathering to the negotiating table. The new U.S. administration wants to reset relationships with its friends and allies. By seizing this opportunity and being creative in identifying solutions to our shared interests, as well as leveraging opportunities through multiple levels of government, we ultimately advance Canadian interests. A welcome mat at the White House magnifies Canada's influence with the rest of the world. https://www.cbc.ca/news/opinion/opinion-biden-trudeau-relations-1.5873231