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  • Opinion: Defense Is Unscathed By COVID-19? Think Again.

    27 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Opinion: Defense Is Unscathed By COVID-19? Think Again.

    John Dowdy May 22, 2020 The rapid onset of the novel coronavirus has wreaked havoc on markets around the world, hitting commercial aviation especially hard as load factors plummet, flights are canceled and suppliers cut production rates and furlough workers. Amid all this disruption, defense manufacturers appear to have been relatively unscathed. But defense has always been a long-cycle business, driven more by annual budgets than daily load factors. And as the bill for rebuilding the global economy mounts, defense budgets are sure to come under pressure. COVID-19 is first and foremost a human tragedy, and its continued spread is still a major concern. But we must solve for both the virus and the economy; the dual imperative of our time is the desire to preserve lives and livelihoods. Both will require substantial resources for public health and for economic rejuvenation. Countries around the world are making massive investments to rebuild battered economies, putting out more than $11 trillion in the last 2.5 months, with more sure to follow. In the U.S., Congress passed the $2.2 trillion Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act at the end of March, bringing the total stimulus thus far to $3 trillion, which could push the fiscal 2020 budget deficit to a record $3.8 trillion, an eye-watering 18.7% of the country's GDP. Other countries have passed similar aid packages, leading to soaring debt levels around the world. And more may well be necessary: The House has passed proposals for another $3 trillion in aid, although the bill's fate in the Senate is unclear. Government debt levels are already high, swelling as the global financial crisis of 2008 caused a drop in tax revenues and a rise in social-safety-net payments. And the wave of deleveraging many expected as the recession eased never materialized: From 2008 to mid-2017, global government debt more than doubled, reaching $60 trillion. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), this year's increase in public-sector debt has reached 122.4% of gross domestic product (GDP) on average in developed countries. Increased deficits worldwide are likely to put pressure on all discretionary spend, including defense. In the U.S., military spending accounts for 15% of all federal and roughly half of discretionary spending, so defense may come under real pressure. Rep. Ken Calvert of California, the ranking Republican on the House Appropriations defense subcommittee, says defense budgets were strained even before this year's unplanned burst of deficit spending. “There's no question that budgetary pressure will only increase now for all segments of our federal budget, including defense,” Calvert said. Defense Secretary Mark Esper has said he is preparing for future defense budget cuts and that legacy systems may need to be scrapped to pay for more modern forces. South Korea shows early signs of this trend, with leaders recently announcing a shift in resources to disaster relief in response to the pandemic. Money came from education, agriculture, and environmental protection but mostly from defense. This example is particularly significant, given that South Korea is still technically at war, frozen in conflict with its immediate neighbor to the north. Furthermore, South Korea has been more effective than its peers in addressing the pandemic with a swift medical response and widespread testing that allowed the country to reopen its economy faster than other advanced countries. If South Korea is altering its budgetary priorities, others could follow. The coronavirus has already had a massive human cost, resulting in approximately 300,000 deaths, including more than 90,000 Americans, more than were killed in Vietnam, the Gulf War, Iraq and Afghanistan combined. But the financial cost has been even greater. The cost in the US has already exceeded that of all the wars the U.S. has fought over the last 50 years. And if an additional $3 trillion is approved by Congress, the cost will surpass that of World War II. At this point, it is too early to predict how much the defense budget will draw down how quickly. Indeed, the shift might not occur immediately. Broadly speaking, two factors have historically had the most influence on defense spending: threats and affordability. Governments will all calibrate the relative importance of the threats they face against their new economic realities. In keeping with past patterns, countries may give most weight to threats, real or perceived, over the near term. If there are anticipated or ongoing conflicts, their defense budgets will probably increase. Over the longer term, however, economic factors tend to prevail, and governments may set defense budgets in line with their diminished resources. Either way, we face some tough decisions ahead. https://aviationweek.com/aerospace/manufacturing-supply-chain/opinion-defense-unscathed-covid-19-think-again

  • Defense Spending In China Will Rise By 6.6%

    27 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Defense Spending In China Will Rise By 6.6%

    May 27, 2020 China plans to increase defense spending in 2020 despite the expectation of dramatically reduced economic growth, maintaining pressure on neighboring countries to protect their own defense budgets from cuts. The defense budget will rise by 6.6% to 1.268 trillion yuan ($179.2 billion), Premier Li Keqiang says. The growth rate is the slowest since the early 1990s, but it indicates that Beijing intends to keep military modernization on track despite the economic and fiscal consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. While the reduction in growth from 2019's rate in part reflects the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is also consistent with a longer-term trend of smaller increases in the budget approximately tracking the slowing expansion of an increasingly mature Chinese economy. Defense spending increases averaged 14% in the decade prior to 2015 but only 8% since then. https://aviationweek.com/defense-space/z/defense-spending-china-will-rise-66?utm_rid=CPEN1000006557235&utm_campaign=24180&utm_medium=email&elq2=5d7f57a46c174c2998ad2129c3ed78df

  • La Défense, une des clefs de la relance ?

    26 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    La Défense, une des clefs de la relance ?

    Les présidents du Gifas et du BDLI appellent à une accélération de l'engagement de la France et de l'Allemagne sur les programmes de défense pour contre-balancer les effets de la crise sur la filière aéronautique civile. Une supply chain duale Face à une filière aéronautique civile confrontée à la première crise systémique de sa jeune histoire, Eric Trappier et Dirk Hoke, respectivement président du Gifas et président du BDLI, appellent « d'une même voix et d'une façon urgente à un plan de relance européen ambitieux en faveur de l'aéronautique civile pour préserver l'avenir ». Et cela passe notamment par « un soutien fort au niveau européen aux domaines de la défense et de l'espace, au moment où les enjeux budgétaires et de souveraineté sont cruciaux ». En clair, une accélération et un engagement plus fort des gouvernements français et allemands dans les programmes de défense mais aussi spatiaux peuvent venir « contre-balancer utilement la baisse d'activité de la filière aéronautique civile et dont les conséquences sur la chaîne des fournisseurs mettent en danger un certain nombre d'ETI et PME», souligne Eric Trappier qui est aussi président de Dassault Aviation. « D'autant que nombre de ces entreprises ont une activité duale. Elles sont présentes à la fois dans le civil et le militaire », poursuit-il. Accélérer sur le SCAF « Ces ETI et PME sont également vitales par le caractère unique de leurs savoir-faire. Si elles ne survivent pas à la crise, nous souffrirons tous », surenchérit Dirk Hoke qui ajoute : « il faut donc accélérer sur le volet défense pour également préserver nos capacités qui sont cruciales pour réaliser l'autonomie stratégique et la souveraineté de l'Europe ». Une claire allusion au programme SCAF qui ne s'appuie pour l'instant que sur une enveloppe de 150 M€ pour une durée de dix-huit mois. Ce contrat-cadre appelé Phase 1A doit déboucher sur des financements plus substantiels avec 4 Md€ prévus d'ici à 2025. Raison de plus pour débloquer de nouveaux fonds et plus vite dans le contexte actuel. Financer la R&T sur l'avion durable Pour les présidents du Gifas et du BDLI, le deuxième volet de ce plan relance européen européen ambitieux en faveur de l'aéronautique civile est le soutien aux efforts conjoints « de la profession en faveur de l'innovation et d'une aviation responsable, intégrant les enjeux liés à l'environnement ». Pour Dirk Hoke, qui est aussi président d'Airbus Defence and Space, l'abandon du projet E-Fan X, un démonstrateur dédié aux essais de propulsion électrique, ne signifie nullement que le constructeur européen a renoncé à ses travaux de recherche sur la décarbonisation de l'aviation. Si Airbus a suspendu le programme E-Fan X, le constructeur, en collaboration avec Siemens et le DLR, l'équivalent de l'Onera en Allemagne, a également réalisé des travaux sur la propulsion à hydrogène sur un démonstrateur baptisé HY4 qui a d'ailleurs réalisé un premier vol dès 2016. Au décollage, une batterie lithium-ion fournit l'électricité, mais en vol, une pile à combustible puise de l'hydrogène dans un réservoir maintenu à basse température pour produire un courant électrique par réaction avec l'oxygène de l'air, puis rejette de la vapeur d'eau. De son côté, Dassault Aviation a identifié plusieurs applications possibles avec des piles pouvant alimenter des fonctions de base « telles que les charges de cabines avions, les sources d'énergie pour les équipements, les galleys ou cuisines », voire même « des fonctions intégrées comme l'alimentation de secours ou le remplacement de l'unité auxiliaire de puissance ». Plus dans notre prochain numéro 2689 du 22 mai. https://www.air-cosmos.com/article/la-dfense-une-des-clefs-de-la-relance-23110

  • Defence spending likely to face post-COVID cuts, military experts say

    26 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Defence spending likely to face post-COVID cuts, military experts say

    By AIDAN CHAMANDY MAY 25, 2020 The Liberals' defence policy, Strong, Secure and Engaged, could be in for post-pandemic trouble. As the COVID-19 pandemic continues into its third month and with the federal government's response growing alongside it, defence experts anticipate the Department of National Defence will face significant cuts in the near future as Ottawa eventually tries to deal with the fallout of huge increases in government spending and a dramatic drop in revenues. https://www.hilltimes.com/2020/05/25/defence-spending-likely-to-face-post-covid-cuts-experts-say/248929

  • Nouvelles possibilités de financement pour aider à lutter contre COVID-19

    26 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Nouvelles possibilités de financement pour aider à lutter contre COVID-19

    Le Conseil national de recherches du Canada (CNRC) et Services publics et approvisionnement Canada (SPA) sont à la recherche d'une plateforme d'échange numérique intelligente qui mettra en contact les chercheurs, les fournisseurs de soins de santé et les fournisseurs de solutions avec des appareils et des informations pour répondre à COVID-19. Le CNRC est également à la recherche de réactifs magnétiques pour effectuer des diagnostics moléculaires du virus COVID-19. Vous pensez pouvoir résoudre l'un de ces défis ? Participez pour avoir la chance de recevoir du financement pour prouver votre faisabilité de votre solution et la développer ! Possibilités de financement de COVID-19

  • Défense aéroterrestre : dossier envoyé aux 170 000 contacts COGES le 11 juin prochain.

    25 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Terrestre

    Défense aéroterrestre : dossier envoyé aux 170 000 contacts COGES le 11 juin prochain.

    #COGES #missile #drone #H160M #ALAT #aéroterrestre #Guépard Air&Cosmos finalise son dossier du 5 juin "Matériels de défense aéroterrestre". Cette édition d'Air&Cosmos bénéficiera d'une sur-diffusion exceptionnelle et ciblée : Diffusion à tous les abonnés papier et numérique d'Air&Cosmos magazine Diffusion à tous les contacts exposants, visiteurs et délégations partenaires du COGES/Eurosatory. En partenariat avec le COGES, la version numérique de cette édition du 5 juin sera en effet incluse dans la newsletter du COGES du 11 juin 2020 expédiée à 170 000 contacts. Diffusion dans l'espace Partenaires presse du site web d'Eurosatory. Voici le détail du dossier : Emploi des drones au sein de l'Armée de Terre. Interview du Comalat, le Général Bertrand VALLETTE d'OSIA Infographie détaillée de l'Airbus Helicopters HIL (H160M) "Guépard" Le Guépard et son MCO Mistral 3 : l'arme anti-drones de MBDA https://air-cosmos.com/article/dfense-aroterrestre-dossier-envoy-aux-170-000-contacts-coges-le-11-juin-prochain-22966

  • Defence procurement won't be so easy to cut in a time of COVID-19

    25 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Defence procurement won't be so easy to cut in a time of COVID-19

    As governments around the world reassess national security, Ottawa could find it harder to delay plans for new ships, helicopters and fighter jets. Jeffrey F. Collins May 22, 2020 A few months into the COVID-19 pandemic, the first signs of impact on Canada's defence procurement plans are showing. The government has been following an ambitious multi-decade blueprint, starting in 2010, to kick-start the domestic shipbuilding sector, but some yards have had to scale back their workforces under public health orders. What this means for the National Shipbuilding Strategy and its more than $85 billion (by my calculations) in ongoing and planned construction of large ships is as yet unclear. The $19-billion Future Fighter Capability project, designed to replace the four-decade-old CF-18 fighter with 88 new jets, could also be affected. Government officials were adamant until early May that the June submission deadline for bids remained unchanged — before granting a 30-day extension. But with industry and public sector workers largely stuck at home, it is difficult to see how even the new July deadline can be met. In earlier times of economic strain, Ottawa found defence spending an easy target for cuts. This time could be different, as governments around the world reassess what national security means and how best to achieve it. Heading into 2020, things were still looking up for the capital spending plans of the Department of National Defence (DND) and the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). The Trudeau government's 2017 Strong, Secure, Engaged (SSE) defence policy had allocated $108 billion in capital expenditures over a 20-year timeframe, 2017-37. Then came the pandemic. There were more than a million job losses in March alone, and as of early May, the Parliamentary Budget Office was predicting a $1-trillion debt by 2021. Given the rapid drop in both domestic and global consumer demand, the price collapse in the country's key commodity, oil, and the accompanying decline in the Canadian dollar, the country is now in a recession for an unknown period. If past is prologue and the virus persists without a vaccine for the foreseeable future, the likelihood of the government delaying or cancelling projects or trimming its orders for ships and planes is growing. When faced with economic pains in the past, federal governments scaled back procurement plans. The staggering debt and deficit in the late 1980s and 1990s led the Brian Mulroney government to drop its ambitious bid to acquire up to a dozen nuclear submarines in 1989, a mere two years after announcing the project in the 1987 defence White Paper. In 1993 the Jean Chrétien government infamously scrapped the contract to replace the 1960s-vintage Sea King helicopter (at a cost of $478 million in penalties). The following year's defence White Paper outlined $15 billion in delays, reductions and cancellations to the DND's procurement budget; this was in addition to large-scale base closures and 20 percent reductions in both CAF regular force personnel and the overall defence budget. The ostensibly pro-military Stephen Harper Conservatives announced 20-year funding plans, as ambitious as the SSE, in the 2008 Canada First Defence Strategy but deviated from them in the aftermath of the 2008-09 global recession. With a goal of returning to balanced budgets after $47 billion in stimulus spending, the Harper government delayed or cut over $32 billion in planned procurement spending and laid off 400 personnel from DND's procurement branch. Among the casualties was the army's $2.1-billion close-combat vehicle. There are several reasons why this pattern has repeated itself, but two stand out. First, defence is a tempting target for any government belt-tightening drive, typically accounting for a large share of discretionary federal spending. With most federal money going to individual citizens (employment insurance, pensions, tax benefits) and provinces (health and social transfers), there simply is little fiscal room left outside of defence. To remove money from these politically popular programs is to risk voter resentment and the ire of provincial governments. In short, when past federal governments confronted a choice between cutting tanks and cutting transfers, they cut the tanks. Second, Canada's geostrategic position has helped. Sitting securely atop North America in alliance with the world's pre-eminent superpower has meant, in the words of a defence minister under Pierre Trudeau, Donald Macdonald, that “there is no obvious level for defence expenditures” in Canada. Meeting the terms of our alliances with the United States and NATO means that Canada has to do its part in securing the northern half of the continent and contributing to military operations overseas, but generally in peacetime Ottawa has a lot of leeway in deciding what to spend on defence, even if allies growl and complain. Yet it is this same geostrategic position that may lessen the impact of any cuts related to COVID-19. Unlike the Mulroney and Chrétien governments, who made their decisions amid the end of Cold War tensions, or the Harper government, which was withdrawing from the combat mission in Afghanistan, this government must make its choices in an international security environment that is becoming more volatile. The spread of the virus has amplified trade and military tensions between the world's two superpowers and weakened bonds among European Union member states as they fight to secure personal protective equipment and stop the contagion at their borders. Governments worldwide are now unabashedly protectionist in their efforts to prevent the export of medical equipment and vital materials. As supply chains fray, pressures mount for each country to have a “sovereign” industrial capability, including in defence. In fact, the Trump administration has turned to the 1950 Defense Production Act to direct meatpacking plants to remain open or to restrict the export of health products (three million face masks bound for Canada were held up, then released). The pandemic is intensifying the Trump administration's skepticism of alliances and international institutions; in late March, there was even discussion of stationing US troops near the Canadian border (the plan was eventually abandoned). Smaller powers like Canada that have traditionally relied on American security guarantees will have to maintain their defence spending, or even increase it, as they try to strengthen old alliances and create new ones. As Timothy Choi, a naval expert at the University of Calgary, has told me, an irony of the pandemic is that it may see the National Shipbuilding Strategy become a “major destination for stimulus spending in times of recession.” Either way, by the time the pandemic subsides, Canadians may yet find out that there is indeed an “obvious level” to defence spending. This article is part of the The Coronavirus Pandemic: Canada's Response special feature. Photo: The Halifax-class navy frigate HMCS Fredericton in the waters of Istanbul Strait, Turkey. Shutterstock.com, by Arkeonaval. https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/may-2020/defence-procurement-wont-be-so-easy-to-cut-in-a-time-of-covid-19/

  • Plan de relance : les industriels de la défense ont des idées... beaucoup d'idées

    25 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Plan de relance : les industriels de la défense ont des idées... beaucoup d'idées

    « La défense occupe un rôle particulier pour la relance de l'économie et la soutenir permet de relancer efficacement l'économie française » ont plaidé d'une même voix lors d'une audition devant la commission des affaires étrangères et de la défense du Sénat, le président du GIFAS et PDG de Dassault Aviation Eric Trappier ainsi que les président du CIDEF et du GICAT et du GICAN. « Pourquoi ne pas anticiper certains programmes pour appuyer notre industrie selon les priorités, en coordination avec la DGA (Direction générale de l'armement) ? » déclare Eric Trappier qui a aussi rappelé que « le Rafale est très important pour nos armées et l'export ». Environ 500 entreprises sont effectivement associées au programme Rafale, piloté par Dassault Aviation, rappelle La Tribune. Par Michel Cabirol Aéronefs, drones, navires de guerres, véhicules blindés... Les industriels de l'armement français plaident pour un plan de relance industriel, qui doit passer entre autre par la défense. "La défense occupe un rôle particulier pour la relance de l'économie et la soutenir permet de relancer efficacement l'économie française", a résumé le 14 mai le président du CIDEF et du GICAT Stéphane Mayer, qui est aussi PDG de Nexter lors de son audition le 14 mai devant la commission des affaires étrangères et de la défense du Sénat. La relance économique par la défense permettrait ainsi aux entreprises de ce secteur, la plupart du temps duales, de s'appuyer sur la commande publique pour passer le cap en attendant un futur rebond du marché civil. D'autant que cette filière crée des emplois et des technologies "Made in France" : entre 80 % et 90% des programmes sont réalisés en France. Pour soutenir la supply chain aéronautique, maritime et de l'armement terrestre, le gouvernement n'a en fait que l'embarras du choix, notamment en anticipant des commandes d'hélicoptères, de Rafale, de véhicules blindés, de navires de guerre, de satellites... "La défense est un amortisseur, il faut améliorer la LPM (Loi de programmation militaire) qui sera révisée en 2021", a confirmé lors de cette même audition le président du GIFAS et PDG de Dassault Aviation Eric Trappier. "Pourquoi pas anticiper certains programmes pour appuyer notre industrie selon les priorités, en coordination avec la DGA (Direction générale de l'armement)", a-t-il expliqué. Et le patron de Dassault Aviation a rappelé que "l'aéronautique, c'est avant tout le Rafale qui est très important pour nos armées et l'export". Environ 500 entreprises sont effectivement associées au programme Rafale, piloté par Dassault Aviation. Des idées dans le domaine aéroterrestre Dans le domaine terrestre, le patron du GICAT a également des idées sur des programmes à "accélérer" pour soutenir l'industrie de défense, notamment les PME, qui cherchent des financements. "Il faudrait accélérer dans l'idéal, a-t-il estimé, toutes les commandes, qui devraient l'être, dans des tranches additionnels d'ici à 2025". Pour Stéphane Mayer, ce serait "autant de signaux positifs et attendus par tous, plus encore par les PME". Il compte plus particulièrement sur l'affermissement anticipé de tranches conditionnelles des véhicules du programme Scorpion, dont Nexter est l'un des principaux architectes. Soit les Griffon, Jaguar et Serval. Le PDG de Nexter souhaite également que soient confirmées de nouvelles commandes prévues. https://www.latribune.fr/entreprises-finance/industrie/aeronautique-defense/plan-de-relance-les-industriels-de-la-defense-ont-des-idees-beaucoup-d-idees-848385.html

  • Securing technological superiority requires a joint US-Israel effort

    25 mai 2020 | International, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Securing technological superiority requires a joint US-Israel effort

    By: Bradley Bowman   The United States is now engaged in an intense military technology competition with the Chinese Communist Party. The ability of U.S. troops to deter and defeat great power authoritarian adversaries hangs in the balance. To win this competition, Washington must beef up its military cooperative research and development efforts with tech-savvy democratic allies. At the top of that list should be Israel. Two members of the Senate Armed Services Committee understand this well. Sens. Gary Peters, D-Mich., and Tom Cotton, R-Ark., introduced S 3775, the “United States-Israel Military Capability Act of 2020,” on Wednesday. This bipartisan legislation would require the establishment of a U.S.-Israel operations-technology working group. As the senators wrote in a February letter to Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, the working group would help ensure U.S. “warfighters never encounter a more technologically advanced foe.” Many Americans may be surprised to learn that they can no longer take U.S. military technological superiority for granted. In his new book, “The Kill Chain,” former Senate Armed Services Committee staff director Chris Brose notes that, over the last decade, the United States loses war games against China “almost every single time.” To halt this trend, the Pentagon must shift its ongoing modernization efforts into high gear. Early cooperative R&D with the “Startup Nation” can help in this regard. Israel is one of America's closest and most technologically advanced allies. The country boasts an “innovative and agile defense technology sector” that is a “global leader in many of the technologies important to Department of Defense modernization efforts,” as the legislation notes. Some may deem the working group unnecessary, citing the deep and broad cooperation that already exists between the United States and Israel. But, as the legislation explains, “dangerous United States military capability gaps continue to emerge that a more systematic and institutionalized United States-Israel early cooperative research and development program could have prevented.” Consider the fact, for example, that the Pentagon only last year acquired for U.S. tanks active protection systems from Israel that had been operational there since 2011. Consequently, U.S. soldiers operated for years in tanks and armored vehicles around the world lacking the cutting-edge protection Washington could have provided against missiles and rockets. That put U.S. soldiers in unnecessary risk. Such examples put the burden of proof on those who may be tempted to reflexively defend the status quo as good enough. Given the breakneck speed of our military technology race with the Chinese Communist Party, it's clear the continued emergence of decade-long delays in adopting crucial technology is no longer something we can afford. One of the reasons for these delays and failures to team up with Israeli partners at the beginning of the process is that U.S. and Israeli defense suppliers sometimes find it difficult to secure Washington's approval for combined efforts to research and produce world-class weapons. Some requests to initiate combined U.S.-Israel R&D programs linger interminably in bureaucratic no-man's land, failing to elicit a timely decision. Confronted by deadly and immediate threats, Israel often has little choice but to push ahead alone with unilateral R&D programs. When that happens, the Pentagon misses out on Israel's sense of urgency that could have led to the more expeditious fielding of weapons to U.S. troops. And Israel misses out on American innovation prowess as well as on the Pentagon's economy of scale, which would lower unit costs and help both countries stretch their finite defense budgets further. Secretary Esper appears to grasp the opportunity. “If there are ways to improve that, we should pursue it,” he testified on March 4, 2020, in response to a question on the U.S.-Israel working group proposal. “The more we can cooperate together as allies and partners to come up with common solutions, the better,” Esper said. According to the legislation, the working group would serve as a standing forum for the United States and Israel to “systematically share intelligence-informed military capability requirements,” with a goal of identifying capabilities that both militaries need. It would also provide a dedicated mechanism for U.S. and Israeli defense suppliers to “expeditiously gain government approval to conduct joint science, technology, research, development, test, evaluation, and production efforts.” The legislation's congressional reporting requirement would hold the working group accountable for providing quick answers to U.S. and Israeli defense supplier requests. That's a benefit of the working group that will only become more important when the economic consequences of the coronavirus put additional, downward pressure on both defense budgets. Once opportunities for early cooperative U.S.-Israel R&D are identified and approved, the working group would then facilitate the development of “combined United States-Israel plans to research, develop, procure, and field weapons systems and military capabilities as quickly and economically as possible.” In the military technology race with the Chinese Communist Party, the stakes are high and the outcome is far from certain. A U.S.-Israel operations technology working group represents an essential step to ensure the United States and its democratic allies are better equipped than their adversaries. Bradley Bowman is the senior director of the Center on Military and Political Power at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/05/22/securing-technological-superiority-requires-a-joint-us-israel-effort/

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