Nouvelles

Réponse à la COVID-19 : Inscrivez-vous au webinaire dès maintenant Dans le cadre du programme IDEeS, nous avons fait appel à notre réseau d'innovateurs pour prêter main‑forte à la lutte contre la pandémie de COVID-19, tout en poursuivant le développement de technologies pour aider les Forces armées canadiennes (FAC) à relever leurs défis. Nous avons récemment publié une série de défis relatifs à la COVID-19 dans l'optique de produire des résultats à court et à moyen terme au moyen de solutions novatrices pour protéger les travailleurs de première ligne et faciliter le suivi de la propagation du virus. Nous tiendrons un webinaire en Français et en Englais le 11 juin à 11 h 00 et 13 h 00 HAE respectivement, au cours duquel nous répondrons aux questions à propos du processus de soumission ainsi qu'aux questions d'ordre technique. Inscrivez-vous dès maintenant : https://www.ideesreg.com/ Nous vous rappelons que vous avez jusqu'au 23 juin 2020 pour présenter une soumission pour les défis liés à la COVID‑19. Veuillez également consulter régulièrement notre site Web et vous inscrire à notre liste d'abonnés, car nous publierons bientôt un nouveau défi lié à la COVID‑19. Le projet de cyberattribution de 1 M$ du programme IDEeS est terminé Nous sommes heureux d'annoncer que le premier Projet compétitif de 1 M$ découlant de notre premier appel de propositions est maintenant terminé. Sapper Labs, une société d'Ottawa (Ontario) et de Fredericton (Nouveau-Brunswick), avec l'aide de la firme de cybersécurité américaine Root9B, est devenue la première entreprise à terminer son projet sur la cyberattribution dans le cadre du programme IDEeS. Ce projet présente une solution novatrice de détection des acteurs malveillants dans le cyberespace et il est maintenant envisagé pour le récent volet du programme, destiné aux solutions avancées, intitulé « Banc d'Essai », qui met à l'essai de nouvelles technologies dans un environnement réel. Félicitations à Sapper Labs! D'autres solutions découlant de notre premier appel de propositions seront révélées au cours des prochains mois, alors restez à l'affût! Concours Ville Éclair – Une solution intégrée de gestion des déchets, de l'eau et de l'énergie pour les camps déployés En raison de la pandémie de COVID‑19 et des mesures de distanciation sociale mises en place, l'équipe IDEeS a eu l'occasion de convertir l'événement de partenariat du concours en forum en ligne. Pour la deuxième ronde, 42 participants de trois domaines techniques différents (déchets, eau et énergie) auront l'occasion de former des partenariats entre eux dans un environnement virtuel pour proposer, d'ici le 15 septembre 2020, un système intégré. Jusqu'à dix propositions seront ensuite choisies pour l'octroi d'une subvention de 50 000 $, et les soumissionnaires passeront alors à la troisième ronde pour la présentation et le développement d'un prototype. Les dix équipes choisies se disputeront l'une des trois contributions de 1,5 M$ pour le développement de leur prototype. L'équipe qui présentera le meilleur prototype courra la chance de remporter le grand prix de 2 M$. https://www.canada.ca/fr/ministere-defense-nationale/programmes/idees-defense/opportunites-actuelles/concours-ville-eclair.html L'équipe IDEeS

Le Pentagone lance un programme prévoyant l'ajout de modifications structurelles sur les F-35 les plus récents, pour leur permettre de remplir plus efficacement les missions SEAD et DEAD (Suppression/Destruction of Enemy Air Defenses). Ces modifications s'appliqueront à tous les modèles de F-35, aux Etats-Unis et auprès des autres pays clients, rapporte Air & Cosmos, qui souligne que jusqu'à présent, le F-35 pouvait remplir la mission SEAD de manière empirique, «en utilisant sa capacité de bombardement et ses équipements de guerre électronique adossés à sa faible signature radar». Air & Cosmos du 9 juin

DEFENSE Le ministère des Armées annonce l'accélération de près de 600 millions d'euros de commandes militaires dans le secteur aéronautique Pour soutenir le secteur aéronautique, le ministère des Armées va dégager 600 millions d'euros de commandes par anticipation, notamment pour acquérir trois A330 transformés ultérieurement au profit de l'armée de l'Air. Florence Parly a indiqué également que le ministère des Armées va commander huit hélicoptères Caracal, et que plus de 100 millions d'euros seront mis au service de commandes de drones pour la Marine Nationale. «L'ensemble de ces commandes répond à un besoin de nos armées. Nous allons simplement aller plus vite». «Soutenir l'industrie aéronautique, c'est épauler la croissance française tout entière», déclare Florence Parly. La Dépêche du Midi et France Bleu du 9 juin

By: Aaron Mehta WASHINGTON — America's newest nuclear bomb design has been successfully tested on the F-15E, making the Strike Eagle the first fighter jet to be officially compaiable with the B61-12 design. Two test flights were flown twice in March at the Tonopah Test Range in Nevada, according to a release by Sandia Labs. The mock weapon was released on one test at about 1,000 feet and at nearly the speed of sound, while a higher-altitude test occurred at around 25,000 feet; both tests hit the target as designed. “It's representative of the environment for the weapon,” Steven Samuels, a manager with Sandia's B61-12 system's team, said in a news release. “The flight test is really everything coming together to say we're good.” The B61-12 program will replace the B61-3, -4, -7 and -10 nuclear gravity bomb variants with a new warhead design. The warhead is being developed and produced by the National Nuclear Security Administration, a semi-independent agency located within the Department of Energy, while the Pentagon is developing new tailkit assemblies for the design. An NNSA estimate puts the likely cost of the program between $8 billion to $9 billion. The upgraded variant will be certified on America's F-15, F-16 and B-2 aircraft, as well as on aircraft for NATO member nations. The F-35 is expected to go through certification on the weapon at some point in the next decade. The weapon passed its final design review in October 2018. Notably, the NNSA release states that the first production unit is scheduled for completion in fiscal 2022, when previous agency statements had set that target at March 2020. The source of the delay is likely an issue with an off-the-shelf part, which did not meet NNSA's standards for parts on the weapon, that was discovered last summer and will result in time delays and cot hundreds of millions of dollars to replace. “The success of these tests is a major milestone on the path to full rate production and the B61-12's initial operation capability on the F-15E in the coming years,” Brig. Gen. Ty Neuman, NNSA's principal assistant deputy administrator for military application, said in a statement. “Once delivered, this capability will underpin our nation's deterrent and strengthen our NATO partnerships.” https://www.defensenews.com/smr/nuclear-arsenal/2020/06/08/f-15e-becomes-first-aircraft-certified-for-new-nuclear-bomb-design/

By: Sebastian Sprenger COLOGNE, Germany — NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg wants the alliance to take on a greater political role in world affairs and help nations in the Asia-Pacific region contend with China's rise. “Military strength is only part of the answer,” Stoltenberg said Monday in a speech during an online event organized by the Atlantic Council and the German Marshall Fund of the United States. “We also need to use NATO more politically.” He said alliance member should adopt a more global approach to security issues, unlike the Europe- and North America-centric tack that has often shaped the alliance's agenda. “This is not about a global presence, but a global approach,” he said. “As we look to 2030, we need to work even more closely with like-minded countries, like Australia, Japan, New Zealand and [South] Korea, to defend the global rules and institutions that have kept us safe for decades, to set norms and standards in space and cyberspace, on new technologies and global arms control, and ultimately to stand up for a world built on freedom and democracy, not on bullying and coercion.” Those words are a veiled description of what Western analysts believe is a policy of China blackmailing weaker nations in its orbit through economic and diplomatic pressure. As Stoltenberg put it, Beijing becoming militarily and economically stronger represents a “fundamental shifting" in the global balance of power in which the Western alliance should not be caught flat-footed. Stoltenberg repeatedly invoked NATO cohesion as an organizing principle for the alliance, imploring members to "resist the temptation of national solutions.” His comments came as the Trump administration is reportedly considering what critics have called just that: a partial U.S. troop reduction in Germany without consulting allies. The Pentagon previously portrayed its presence in Germany as a testament to America's commitment to Europe, especially following Russia's annexation of Crimea from Ukraine in 2014. The NATO chief dodged a question on the report, first made public by the Wall Street Journal, instead trumpeting the U.S. military's deepening involvement in Europe. Meanwhile, it is hard to evaluate the seriousness of the reported move, especially because U.S. lawmakers and leaders in Berlin were left in the dark. Some media outlets have speculated that a moment of anger by U.S. President Donald Trump about German Chancellor Angela Merkel prompted the idea, while Reuters cited an unnamed official saying that Gen. Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, had worked on the issue for months. Retired Lt. Gen. Ben Hodges, a former commander of U.S. Army troops in Europe, told Defense News he finds it unlikely that senior military officials were onboard. “I don't believe that at all,” he said. “No way such a significant decision could be kept under wraps in Washington, D.C., for that long. Based on the conversations I've had the last four days, there's no doubt in my mind that this was a shock to all military leadership in Europe.” Hodges also criticized Polish officials for being eager to fill a potential void. “I would prefer that our Polish allies focus on the importance of the cohesion of the alliance versus immediately signaling that they'd be happy to host U.S. troops that might move from Germany,” he wrote in an email. “Poland is a great ally. But their security is best when we have a strong, unified alliance that is built around a strong USA-Germany relationship.” https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/06/08/nato-chief-seeks-to-forge-deeper-ties-in-chinas-neighborhood/

By: Mike Yeo MELBOURNE, Australia — The development of South Korea's indigenous KF-X fighter jet has taken another step forward with GE Aviation delivering the first engine for program, although development partner Indonesia continues to rack up overdue payments for its share. The engine manufacturer announced Friday that it delivered the first F414-GE-400K engine to Korea Aerospace Industries in May. KAI is developing the KF-X for the South Korean Air Force, which intends to replace its fleet of McDonnell Douglas F-4 Phantom II and Northrop F-5E/F Tiger II fighters with the new jet. “GE is thrilled to reach this important milestone in the KF-X program,” said Al DiLibero, general manager of GE's Medium Combat and Trainer Engines department. “Our success so far on this program reflects the strong relationship between the [Republic of Korea Air Force] ROKAF, our South Korean industry partners and GE Aviation, and the long and successful history of our engines powering ROKAF aircraft." KAI selected GE Aviation in May 2016 to supply F414-GE-400K engines for the KF-X fighter, with an eventual total of 240 F414s plus spares to be supplied to KAI to power 120 KF-X jets for South Korea. A total of 15 engines and six prototypes are expected to be produced for the program by 2021, with first flight expected in 2022. Development is expected to be completed by 2026. The F414 also powers the Boeing F/A-18E/F Super Hornet, the Saab JAS 39E/F Gripen and India's HAL Tejas Mark 2 combat aircraft. South Korea plans to primarily equip the KF-X with indigenous avionics. These will come mostly from LIG Nex1 and Hanwha, although Israel's Elbit Systems will supply terrain following/avoidance systems for the active electronically scanned array radar under development by Hanwha. The Israeli company announced the $43 million contract in early February. The KF-X is also to be compatible with European air-to-air missiles. South Korea signed a contract with European missile-maker MBDA in November 2019 to integrate the Meteor, while Diehl-BGT is also reportedly set to sign a similar contract for its IRIS-T. It was also reported that the American Paveway laser-guided bomb, the satellite-guided Joint Direct Attack Munition and Textron's CBU-105 Wind Corrected Munitions Dispenser will be integrated on the KF-X, whose development is being co-funded by Indonesia. The Southeast Asian nation signed onto the program in 2010, agreeing to pay for 20 percent of the development costs in exchange for one prototype aircraft, design participation, technical data and production sharing. Since then, however, Indonesia has missed a number of payments amid a budget crunch, with newspaper The Korea Herald reporting in late May that as of April, Indonesia owes $415 million in overdue payments to the program. https://www.defensenews.com/industry/techwatch/2020/06/08/south-korea-receives-engines-for-future-fighter-jet/

By: Sarah Bidgood Russia recently published a new document, titled “Basic Principles of State Policy of the Russian Federation on Nuclear Deterrence.” Its release marks the first time that Russia's official policy on deterrence has been made publicly available. As others have observed, this document is an example of declaratory policy aimed primarily at a foreign audience — and should be read with this orientation in mind. Still, it contains information that helps readers better understand how Russia thinks about nuclear weapons, and this certainly makes it worth a close examination. Some of the more useful insights this document offers pertain to Russia's threat assessments and what it sees as likely pathways to nuclear use. A number of these threats line up with American declaratory policy as reflected in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. These overlaps are noteworthy, since the U.S. and Russia have traditionally been able to work together to mitigate mutual threats even when their bilateral relationship is in crisis. As such, they can point toward ways to get arms control back on track at a time when it is in deep trouble. One such area of overlap appears in section 19C, which covers the conditions that could allow for nuclear use. This list includes an “attack by [an] adversary against critical governmental or military sites of the Russian Federation, disruption of which would undermine nuclear forces response actions." The similarities between this language and that which appears in the 2018 NPR are considerable. That document identifies “attacks on U.S., allied, or partner civilian populations and infrastructure and attacks on U.S. or allied nuclear forces, their command and control, or warning and attack assessment capabilities” as a significant non-nuclear strategic attacks that could warrant the use of nuclear weapons. These parallels suggest that an agreement prohibiting attacks on nuclear command, control and communications systems could be of interest to both Washington and Moscow. A treaty along these lines would help to shore up crisis stability while rebuilding trust and confidence between the U.S. and Russia. It could also become a multilateral approach involving the five nuclear weapon states, which have been meeting regularly to discuss risk reduction and other topics. This would represent one of the few concrete outcomes of these discussions, which have been met with cautious enthusiasm but have so far failed to bear much fruit. Another example of mutual U.S.-Russia threats appears in section 12E of the Russian document. Here, the “uncontrolled proliferation of nuclear weapons, their delivery means, technology and equipment for their manufacture” are described as risks that nuclear deterrence is meant to neutralize. Preventing the spread of nuclear weapons seems to remain a focus of U.S. nuclear policy, too, and the 2018 NPR commits to strengthening institutions that support “verifiable, durable progress on non-proliferation.” This ongoing shared interest is an argument for renewed U.S.-Russian cooperation in this area, especially as it relates to strengthening the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. There is a long history of engagement between the two largest nuclear weapon states on nonproliferation, even at times of major discord in their relationship. Successful outcomes of this cooperation include the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty itself, which the United States and the Soviet Union concluded 50 years ago to stop additional countries from acquiring nuclear weapons. Despite decades of joint work toward this shared goal, the rift between Washington and Moscow has now brought most bilateral efforts in this area to a halt. As some in Iran, Turkey and Germany contemplate the pursuit of nuclear weapons, it's time for the U.S. and Russia to shore up the credibility of the regime they built. Other sections of Russia's document offer additional glimpses into Moscow's perceived threats, although not all find ready analogs in U.S. declaratory policy. Many relate instead to the possibility that an adversary will carry out a conventional attack on Russia. Sections 12 and 14, for instance, reference the risks posed by adversary deployments of medium- and shorter-range cruise and ballistic missiles, non-nuclear high-precision and hypersonic weapons, strike unmanned aerial vehicles, and directed-energy weapons. They also mention the deployment of missile defense systems in space; military buildups by would-be adversaries of general-purpose force groupings that possess nuclear weapons delivery means in territories neighboring Russia; and the placement of nuclear weapons on the territories of non-nuclear weapons states, among others. There is little here that would surprise most Russia-watchers, but if the U.S. is serious about pursuing “next generation” arms control, it is useful to have a list of potential topics for discussion that go beyond ballistic missile defense. This list might also prove helpful in negotiating asymmetric treaties or in identifying confidence-building measures that cross domains. Overall, this short document does provide greater clarity with respect to Russia's deterrence strategy, but it is ambiguous on many points as well. Olga Oliker, the International Crisis Group's program director for Europe and Central Asia, noted, for instance, it does not settle the debate over whether Russia has an “escalate-to-deescalate” policy, and it is (unsurprisingly) vague about the precise circumstances under which Russia would consider using nuclear weapons. Still, despite leaving some questions unanswered, the document offers a valuable window into Russia's strengths and vulnerabilities as they appear from Moscow. While likely not the intended signal this document was meant to send, it nevertheless points to possible opportunities for engagement when other good alternatives are hard to see. https://www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/06/08/russias-new-nuclear-policy-could-be-a-path-to-arms-control-treaties/

Leo Shane III The biggest defense news on Capitol Hill this week will be taking place behind the scenes rather than in public view, as lawmakers grapple with the military's response to recent nationwide protests and their own plans for next year's Pentagon budget. On Monday, Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy, Army Chief of Staff Gen. James McConville and District of Columbia National Guard Commander Maj. Gen. William Walker will brief members of the House Armed Services Committee in a non-public meeting. The session was originally scheduled for late last week, amid concerns that guardsmen may have overstepped their roles as security support for D.C. police responding to some of the massive racial equality demonstrations outside the White House in recent days. The protests were sparked by the death of George Floyd, a black man prosecutors say was murdered by a white Minneapolis police officer. Since then, Pentagon officials appear to have tamped down President Donald Trump's suggestions that active-duty troops should be brought in to help handle the work, creating a massive show of force to “dominate” the streets of major cities across the country. But House Armed Services Committee members have said they still have lingering questions about how those discussions progressed, and whether guardsmen were put in an uncomfortable political role instead of their traditional support response. Democratic members are also sparring with Defense Secretary Mark Esper and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Mark Milley, after committee Chairman Adam Smith, D-Wash., vowed to bring the Pentagon leaders to Capitol Hill for a full public hearing on the issues this week. Esper and Milley have thus far refused, although Pentagon officials said they are negotiating scheduling issues for a possible future appearance. “The DoD legislative affairs team remains in discussion with the HASC on this request," Navy Cmdr. Sean Robertson, a Pentagon spokesman, said last week. "In the meantime, DoD has committed to provide Army Secretary McCarthy, Army Chief of Staff Gen. McConville, and D.C. National Guard Commanding General Maj. Gen. Walker to brief the committee next week on the presence of the National Guard in Washington, D.C., this past week.” Smith and 30 other Democratic committee members called Esper's refusal to appear this week “unacceptable.” Several members of the committee have vowed to include the issue in the annual defense authorization bill. Subcommittee mark-ups of the massive military budget policy measure are scheduled to begin on June 22. The Senate Armed Services Committee is beginning its mark-up of the authorization bill this week, with the first two subcommittee section votes scheduled for Monday afternoon. The full committee mark-up will take place starting on Wednesday. Unlike their House counterparts, however, nearly all of that work will be done behind closed doors. Senate committee officials have said in the past that they can more quickly and efficiently navigate the hundreds of legislative issues within the bill if they keep the work out of public view, to allow seamless transition between classified and non-classified topics. The only portion of the Senate authorization bill work to be made public will be the personnel subcommittee mark-up, set for Tuesday at 2 p.m. The hearing will be streamed through the committee's web site, as restrictions on public access to the Capitol complex remain in place because of the coronavirus pandemic. The House Armed Services Committee will have a public hearing on a separate topic later this week: Ellen Lord, Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment, will testify on Wednesday about the impact of the ongoing pandemic on the defense industrial base. https://www.militarytimes.com/news/pentagon-congress/2020/06/08/key-debate-on-military-protest-response-budget-priorities-set-to-happen-behind-closed-doors-on-capitol-hill/

Andrew Eversden U.S. Special Operations Command wants ideas from industry to improve the organization's large data analytics platform, an initiative that could lead to as much as $600 million in contracts in the next decade. A request for information released June 5 outlines two lines of effort for changes to the Global Analytics Platform: development and system upgrades, and maintenance and sustainment. SOCOM is exploring both a single-award, indefinite delivery, indefinite delivery contract for each lines of effort or a multi-award ID/IQ for each one. SOCOM, headquartered at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Fla., expects the contract to be worth as much $600 million for 10 years of work. Analysts use the platform to search, discover and analyze large quantities of data. The platform contains applications that are “interfacing with robust data ingest, enrichment, transport, and dissemination across intelligence and operations portfolios.” It is also deploy into the Intelligence Community's Commercial Cloud Services (C2) environment, the solicitation reads. Under the first line of effort, the combatant command wants to upgrade the platform to apply more data science and machine learning/artificial intelligence capabilities to “to improve analyst workflow and free trapped technical capacity.” Agile software will be added “to implement iterative methodologies for the development of applications” to add to the current system architecture. The contractor will also provide technical experts to build and deploy tools to “aggregate and analyze intelligence data for real time exploitation in support of USSOCOM missions.” The request states that the expected places of performance are Arlington, Va., Fort Bragg, N.C., the National Geospatial Agency at Fort Belvoir, Va., and locations outside the continental United States. The performance period is Nov. 1, 2021 to Oct. 31, 2031. It also said the platform provides “intelligence targeting support to the find, fix, finish, exploit, and analyze cycle and direct intelligence support to ongoing operations.” SOCOM is investing heavily to improve its data environment. In a separate effort, USSOCOM wants to place all the data commanders need into a single pane of glass, SOCOM Acquisition Executive James Smith said at a May conference. Responses are due July 31. https://www.c4isrnet.com/newsletters/daily-brief/2020/06/08/special-operations-command-wants-to-upgrade-is-data-analytics-platform/