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  • Marché À Voilure Fixe Aéronefs Militaires D’ici 2023 Fabricants, Régions, Types, Applications Et Régions (Amérique Du Nord, Europe Et Asie-Pacifique, Amérique Du Sud, Moyen-Orient Et Afrique)

    7 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial

    Marché À Voilure Fixe Aéronefs Militaires D’ici 2023 Fabricants, Régions, Types, Applications Et Régions (Amérique Du Nord, Europe Et Asie-Pacifique, Amérique Du Sud, Moyen-Orient Et Afrique)

    Le rapport sur le marché de À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires fournit la situation actuelle, les opportunités, les contraintes, les moteurs et également les prévisions de croissance du marché d'ici 2023. Analyse approfondie concernant le statut du marché de À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires, le modèle de concurrence des entreprises, les avantages et les inconvénients de la marchandise d'entreprise, les tendances de développement de l'industrie de À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires, les caractéristiques d'implantation industrielle régionale et les politiques économiques, les nouvelles de l'industrie et les politiques par régions ont été jointes en annexe. Les experts prévoient une croissance du marché À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires au TCAC de XX% d'ici 2019-2023. Obtenez un exemple de rapport PDF sur – www.precisionreports.co/enquiry/request-sample/13102602 Le rapport final contient l'impact de COVID-19 sur l'industrie Entreprises clés sur le marché À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires: – Boeing Company, Lockheed Martin, Bae Systems, Airbus, Embraer, Dassault Aviation, Russian Aircraft Corporation Mig, Sagem, Pilatus Aircraft Limited, Alenia Aermachhi, Saab, Eurofighter Typhoon, Kawasaki Heavy Industries Limited, Sukhoi, Turkish Aerospace Industries, Cassidian, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, Cobham Dynamique du marché: – > Pilotes > Entraves > Opportunités Pour toute question, contactez à – www.precisionreports.co/enquiry/pre-order-enquiry/13102602 Principaux développements du marché:: Janvier 2018: la France cherche à ajouter des avions militaires à voilure fixe pour réduire les coûts d'exploitation helicoptor. Portée du rapport sur le marché À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires: – La chaîne industrielle approfondie comprend l'analyse de la chaîne de valeur, l'analyse du modèle Porter Five Forces et l'analyse de la structure des coûts. Ce rapport sur le marché À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires décrit la situation actuelle, le contexte historique et les prévisions futures. Il fournit des données complètes sur les ventes, la consommation, les statistiques commerciales et les prix de À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires au cours des dernières années. Le rapport À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires indique une mine d'informations sur les fournisseurs de À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires. À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires Les prévisions du marché pour les cinq prochaines années, y compris les volumes et les prix du marché, sont également fournies. Les informations sur l'approvisionnement en matières premières et les consommateurs en aval sont également incluses. Réponses aux questions clés dans ce rapport: – – Quelle sera la taille du marché en 2023 et quel sera le taux de croissance? – Quelles sont les principales tendances du marché? – Qu'est-ce qui anime ce marché À voilure fixe aéronefs militaires? – Quels sont les défis de la croissance du marché? – Qui sont les principaux fournisseurs de cet espace de marché? http://tribune-tours.fr/2020/05/07/marche-a-voilure-fixe-aeronefs-militaires-dici-2023-fabricants-regions-types-applications-et-regions-amerique-du-nord-europe-et-asie-pacifique-amerique-du-sud-moyen-orient-et-afrique/

  • Canada invests another US$70M in F-35 development despite no commitment to buy

    6 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial

    Canada invests another US$70M in F-35 development despite no commitment to buy

    OTTAWA — The federal government has made another multimillion-dollar investment into the development of the F-35 stealth fighter jet, even as it weighs a new extension to the $19-billion competition to replace Canada's aging CF-18s. Canada made the annual F-35 payment to the U.S. military last week, spending US$70.1 million to remain one of nine partner countries in the fighter-jet project. Each partner is required to cover a portion of the plane's multibillion-dollar development costs to stay at the table. Staying in the program has advantages, as partners get a discount when purchasing the jets and compete for billions of dollars in contracts associated with building and maintaining them. The F-35 is being built by U.S. defence giant Lockheed Martin. While the new payment brings Canada's total investment in the F-35 to US$541.3 million since 1997, the government says Canadian companies have also secured US$1.8 billion in work related to the stealth fighter. “This participation provides Canadian industry with contract opportunities that are only available to program participants,” Defence Department spokesman Daniel Le Bouthillier said in an email. “Our membership will also allow us preferential pricing and sequencing in the build schedule should the F-35 aircraft be successful in the current future fighter capability program.” Canada actually started to shoulder more of the development costs last year. That is because the Liberal government increased the number of new fighter jets that Canada plans to buy to 88 from 65, even though it has not committed to buying the F-35. News of the payment comes as the federal procurement department confirmed it was considering another extension to the $19-billion competition to replace Canada's CF-18s. The F-35 is one of three planes in running along with Boeing's Super Hornet and the Saab Gripen. The extension was recently requested by one of the three fighter-jet makers. Public Services and Procurement Canada did not confirm which company asked for the extension, but Boeing had previously left the door open to a request because of the COVID-19 pandemic. “We can confirm that we are currently evaluating a request from industry to extend the deadline for preliminary proposals,” Public Services and Procurement Canada spokeswoman Michele LaRose said in an emailed statement. “We remain committed to providing members of the Royal Canadian Air Force with the fighter aircraft they need to do their jobs, and ensuring the best possible value for Canadians.” The three companies were originally supposed to submit their bids at the end of March, but that was pushed back to June 30 following a request by Saab. Despite the pandemic, the federal procurement department insisted last month that it still expected companies to meet that deadline. This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 6, 2020. https://nationalpost.com/pmn/news-pmn/canada-news-pmn/canada-invests-another-us70m-in-f-35-development-despite-no-commitment-to-buy

  • Federal government considering delaying acceptance of bids for new fighter jets

    6 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial

    Federal government considering delaying acceptance of bids for new fighter jets

    David Pugliese • Ottawa Citizen Publishing date: 21 hours ago • 3 minute read The federal government is looking at once again delaying acceptance of bids on new fighter jets. The bids were originally supposed to be submitted in May 2019 but that was pushed back to March 30 this year. That deadline, in turn, was pushed back to June 30 at the request of the aerospace industry, Public Services and Procurement Canada announced in February. But now the department is once again evaluating a request from industry to further extend that deadline for the proposals, Procurement Canada spokesman Marc-André Charbonneau confirmed in an email to this newspaper. “We remain committed to providing members of the Royal Canadian Air Force with the fighter aircraft they need to do their jobs, and ensuring the best possible value for Canadians,” he added. “This procurement is a once in a generation opportunity to support the growth of Canada's aerospace and defence industries for decades to come.” If that happens it is unclear on how the current timetable for buying the fighter jets, to replace the CF-18 aircraft, might be affected. A winning bidder was to have been chosen in 2022. The first aircraft would have been delivered by 2025, according to the government's schedule. Industry representatives say they expect the bid submissions to be pushed back at least until the end of the summer. The federal government is focused on dealing with its response to the novel coronavirus pandemic and Public Services and Procurement Canada is deeply involved in setting up procurements of protective gear and medical supplies. It has also been difficult for companies to collect and provide the necessary classified information to the federal government that is needed for the bids. Much of that has to be delivered directly to government officials and cannot be transmitted over the internet because of the sensitivity of the information. The fighter jet competition was launched on Dec. 12, 2017 and at this point three aircraft are to be considered. Those include the F-35, the Super Hornet, and the Gripen. The program is expected to cost around $19 billion and will see the purchase of 88 new jets. Information about how Canada intends to evaluate the jets is limited. But Public Services and Procurement Canada has noted that technical merit will make up the bulk of the assessment at 60 per cent. Cost and economic benefits companies can provide to Canada will each be worth 20 per cent. But Canada won't conduct a fly-off between fighter jets competing to become the country's new warplane nor conduct testing to see how such aircraft perform under cold weather conditions, Public Services and Procurement Canada confirmed earlier this year. Concerns have been raised by Lockheed Martin's rivals that the competition has been designed to favour the F-35. This newspaper reported last year the requirements for the new jets put emphasis on strategic attack and striking at ground targets during foreign missions. That criteria is seen to benefit the F-35. In addition, the federal government changed criteria on how it would assess industrial benefits after the U.S. government threatened to pull the F-35 from the competition. The Conservative government had previously selected the F-35 as the air force's new jet but backed away from that plan after concerns about the technology and growing cost. During the 2015 election campaign, Justin Trudeau vowed that his government would not purchase the F-35. But at the same time, Trudeau stated his government would hold an open competition for the fighter purchase. The Liberal government backed away from its promise to freeze out the F-35 and the aircraft is now seen as a front-runner in the competition as it has many supporters in the Royal Canadian Air Force. Many of Canada's allies plan to operate the plane. Canada is a partner in the F-35 program and has contributed funding for the aircraft's development over the years. It has already made its latest payment on that program. https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/federal-government-considering-delaying-acceptance-of-bids-for-new-fighter-jets/wcm/2c331c83-e437-45d8-8d1c-9be59ccb7dc3/

  • Impact de Covid-19 Avions militaires marché Aperçu financier du 2020 des acteurs tels que Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Bae Systems, Airbus, Embraer

    5 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial

    Impact de Covid-19 Avions militaires marché Aperçu financier du 2020 des acteurs tels que Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Bae Systems, Airbus, Embraer

    “Le rapport de l'industrie comprend également l'impact de COVID-19 sur le marché mondial. Restez à la maison | Restez en sécurité Avions militaires Marché Dans les avions militaires, les segments d'avions multirôles et de transport devraient représenter 59,3% et 23% du marché. L'industrie Avions militaires a connu un taux de croissance solide au cours de la décennie précédente et devrait beaucoup progresser au cours des prochaines décennies. Il est donc essentiel d'identifier toutes les opportunités d'investissement, les menaces à venir du marché, les facteurs limitants, les défis, la dynamique du marché et les avancées technologiques pour renforcer la présence dans Avions militaires industries. La recherche proposée a analysé tous les éléments ci-dessus afin de présenter au lecteur une analyse détaillée qui inspire la croissance attendue de ses activités. Les fabricants suivants sont évalués dans ce rapport en termes de chiffre d'affaires, de chiffre d'affaires et de part de marché pour chaque société: Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Bae Systems, Airbus, Embraer, Dassault Aviation, Russian Aircraft, Sukhoi, Pilatus Aircraft, Alenia Aermachhi, Saab AB, Eurofighter Typhoon, Obtenir un exemple de copie PDF (comprenant la table des matières, les tableaux et les figures) @ https://garnerinsights.com/Avions militaires Marché Les types de Avions militaires couverts sont: Avions de combat, avions non-de combat Les applications de Avions militaires couverts sont: Défense, Sauvetage, Autre Le rapport Avions militaires propose des profils détaillés des principaux acteurs afin de donner une vision claire du paysage concurrentiel des perspectives. Il comprend également l'analyse de nouveaux produits sur le marché, l'aperçu financier, les stratégies et les tendances marketing. Pour obtenir ce rapport à un taux rentable, cliquez ici @ https://garnerinsights.com/Avions militaires Marché Analyse régionale pour le marché Avions militaires Amérique du Nord (États-Unis, Canada et Mexique) Europe (Allemagne, France, Royaume-Uni, Russie et Italie) Asie-Pacifique (Chine, Japon, Corée, Inde et Asie du Sud-Est) Amérique du Sud (Brésil, Argentine, Colombie, etc.) Le Moyen-Orient et l'Afrique (Arabie Saoudite, EAU, Egypte, Nigeria et Afrique du Sud) Les données analysées sur le marché des Avions militaires vous aident à mettre en place une marque dans le secteur tout en concurrençant les géants. Ce rapport fournit des informations sur un environnement concurrentiel dynamique. Il offre également un point de vue progressif sur différents facteurs qui déterminent ou limitent la croissance du marché. Obtenir la description complète du rapport, la table des matières, le tableau des figures, le graphique, etc. @ https://garnerinsights.com/Avions militaires Marché Table des matières: Couverture de l'étude: Elle inclut les principaux fabricants couverts, les principaux segments du marché, la gamme de produits proposés sur le marché mondial, les années considérées et les objectifs de l'étude. En outre, il aborde l'étude de segmentation fournie dans le rapport sur la base du type de produit et de l'application. Résumé: Il résume les études clés, le taux de croissance du marché, le paysage concurrentiel, les moteurs du marché, les tendances et les problèmes, ainsi que les indicateurs macroscopiques. Production par région: le rapport fournit des informations sur les importations et les exportations, la production, les revenus et les acteurs clés de tous les marchés régionaux étudiés. Profil des fabricants: chaque joueur décrit dans cette section est étudié sur la base de l'analyse SWOT, de ses produits, de sa production, de sa valeur, de ses capacités et d'autres facteurs essentiels. Les objectifs du rapport sont les suivants: – Analyser et prévoir la taille du marché de l'industrie sur le marché mondial. – Étudier les principaux acteurs mondiaux, l'analyse SWOT, la valeur et la part de marché mondiale des principaux acteurs. – Déterminer, expliquer et prévoir le marché par type, utilisation finale et région. – Analyser le potentiel et les avantages du marché, les opportunités et les défis, les contraintes et les risques des régions clés globales. – Identifier les tendances significatives et les facteurs qui déterminent ou freinent la croissance du marché. – Analyser les opportunités sur le marché pour les parties prenantes en identifiant les segments à forte croissance. – Analyser de manière critique chaque sous-marché en termes de tendance de croissance individuelle et de leur contribution au marché. – Comprendre les développements concurrentiels tels que les accords, les extensions, les lancements de nouveaux produits et les possessions sur le marché. – Décrire de manière stratégique les principaux acteurs et analyser de manière exhaustive leurs stratégies de croissance. Accéder à la description complète du rapport, à la table des matières, à la figure, au graphique, etc. @ https://garnerinsights.com/Avions militaires Marché La croissance de ce marché à l'échelle mondiale est soumise à divers facteurs, dont la consommation de Avions militaires produits, les modèles de croissance des sociétés inorganiques, la volatilité des prix des matières premières, l'innovation des produits et les perspectives économiques des pays producteurs et consommateurs. En conclusion, ce rapport vous fournira une vue claire de chaque fait du marché sans qu'il soit nécessaire de vous référer à un autre rapport de recherche ou à une source de données. Notre rapport vous fournira tous les faits sur le passé, le présent et l'avenir du marché concerné. Contactez-nous: Mr. Kevin Thomas +1 513 549 5911 (US) +44 203 318 2846 (UK) Email: sales@garnerinsights.com“

  • An In-Service Support Opportunity

    5 mai 2020 | Local, Naval

    An In-Service Support Opportunity

    POLICY PERSPECTIVE by Ian Mack CGAI Fellow May 2020 DOWNLOAD PDF Introduction In the autumn of 2019, the federal government announced on www.buyandsell.gc.ca the creation of a discussion group to address in-service support for the Canadian Surface Combatants (CSCs). The objective of Canada's procurement is 15 warships and the project is in the early stages of modifying the design of the U.K.'s global combat ship (GCS), with the first Canadian ship delivery anticipated after 2025. It must be assumed that this discussion group formation is the first stage of industry consultation. The City-class Type 26 frigate design has been in development for over a decade and the first of eight U.K. Type 26 warships is now in production. BAE Systems won the contract for the design and construction work in the U.K. This design has been available for export under the moniker global combat ship, and both Canada and Australia have selected it – the latter intending to build nine Hunter-class frigates. While neither the Australian nor Canadian designs have been completed, the combat systems will apparently be quite different across the three nations. However, it is unlikely that the major platform design will change dramatically. If this assumption is correct, it could mean that the major equipment of the platforms of some 32 hulls would likely be substantially the same. And from an in-service support point of view, this clearly creates an opportunity for international co-operation wherever it makes sense. TOP OF PAGE Conventional Wisdom – International Programs There are indications that three-nation government-to-government meetings have taken place to exchange views on creating a user group during the acquisition activity. It would make sense to also explore a related arrangement for in-service support. Clearly, with the potential to support 32 equipment sets across the marine platforms, there are many opportunities for economies of scale which could reduce the costs for all three nations – for common design modifications, for spares through bulk buys, for depot-level maintenance with many more units, for common training of potentially two to four times individual nations' throughput/requirements and the like. Such synergies could be worth hundreds of millions of dollars in savings over the extended lives of these warships. But international programs are not always easy to establish and implement, for many reasons. Nations are very different. They place different priorities on defence matters so the simple co-ordination required to achieve timely agreements can be difficult. Governments also change and a falling-out between two nations can lead to reversals. Nations lose some of their autonomy in decision-making when they join such programs, which can be a major deterrent. And governments have approaches to contracting which are very different, so negotiations on behalf of multiple governments can become bogged down in disagreements as to what approaches nations will support. In a perfect world, Canadian and Australian officials might have included an option during the design selection competitions so that such international in-service support programs could have been enabled by adopting a number of mandatory attributes. Unfortunately, the variability in schedules driving Canada's and Australia's frigate programs, as well as the built-in challenges of running competitions, conspired against any detailed discussion of “what ifs”. Work share (or industrial benefits) is important – to the domestic industries and thus to governments that always care about high-value jobs of the sort one finds in defence-related work. Without doubt, companies in all three countries are already seeing dollar signs and/or may already have won certain rights during the competitions for selection. Hence, Australia and Canada would be unlikely to sign up if all the work is being done, say, in Europe because the bar to agree to collaborate for other reasons could be so high as to be a non-starter. And there could be a number of other challenging commercial issues related to such things as intellectual property that could affect the shape of work-share agreements. There are also many tactical issues. The three time zones are not conducive to ongoing dialogue; one should never underestimate the challenges of working across large distances. As simple as international meeting arrangements should be, one of the partners will not be able to make it at the 11th hour more often than one expects – much less the travel budget involved and/or the cost of personnel liaison/exchange programs between the countries. Canada's Treasury Board is frequently much more involved in expensive and long-term international contracts, routinely requiring the tedious achievement of annual approvals. Nations and organizations have different laws/regulations and standards respectively which must be synchronized upfront and as changes occur. And so it goes. One can conclude that, aside from international information exchange forums, complex business arrangements involving both governments and industries in international programs detrimentally impact a nation's autonomy in decision-making and often offer fewer economic benefits. They are not for the faint of heart. TOP OF PAGE Conventional Wisdom – The Opportunity If one were to consider an international three-party in-service support (ISS) program for common platform major equipment/systems which would leverage BAE Systems as the common ISS agent, wouldn't there be potentially significant benefits to Canada? On the face of it, one must assume that the answer is “maybe” and this is worth exploring. In reviewing this option from a Canadian perspective, it would be appropriate to assess the ISS outcomes against the four sustainment pillars as now mandated for inclusion in the business cases driving Department of National Defence (DND) ISS procurement decisions: performance (operational readiness), value for money (price at or below the market rate), flexibility (adaptable and scalable to accommodate change in operational tempo and available budgets) and economic benefits (jobs and economic growth for Canadian companies). As mentioned earlier, international programs often render economic benefits much more elusive. However, in terms of performance, flexibility and value for money, there is no doubt that the potential exists to see maximum return on investment. In the case under review, BAE Systems is reported to be the second largest Western defence contractor and therefore should be able to wield the clout that comes with it when dealing with major equipment system manufacturers (OEMs). And of course, the supplemental impact must also be understood and catered to – BAE Systems can choose to be difficult in any business arrangement without significantly affecting its bottom line. With respect to contractual response to major equipment and systems performance (which contributes to technical readiness), a client with a large work share is more likely to get attention for initiatives to maintain and improve performance than will smaller clients. This would be important in this case because the three navies operate in significantly different environments around the world with the concomitant variations in some performance requirements. As well an OEMs' failure to address the concerns of three allied navies could result in being blacklisted by BAE Systems when procuring equipment/systems for new ship designs, while timely and effective contractual response could lead to future opportunities. Low performance achievement could also deliver a much more significant blow to an OEM's reputation if more than one navy is impacted detrimentally – witness the Boeing scenario with the 737 Max. This can be important, as select foreign OEMs have essentially ignored Canada before when Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) equipment has suffered performance shortfalls. From a performance perspective, an international ISS program with BAE Systems at the centre could be a plus. In terms of providing adaptability and scalability, the presence of a number of clients can allow reductions in the demand for various services by one client (e.g., facing a budget downturn) to be picked up by another on an interim basis. Alternatively, the need for a surge in support by one navy (e.g., facing major unforeseen operations) may be easier to address by diverting some degree of effort from other clients. Only in the case where all clients are experiencing a similar variation in demand will such flexibility be jeopardized; but such a challenge can equally accrue whether in an international support program or not. Therefore, on balance, there can be greater flexibility in traditional circumstances for an international program, but there are limits. Value for money should be a strong argument for an international collaboration, if only because of economies of scale when considering, in this case, a fleet of 32 ship sets instead of eight, nine or 15 – and that is as-fitted, with spares increasing the overall numbers of common units of equipment. As an ISS client agent with much more maintenance, repair work and spares demand for an OEM, there would be greater interest in keeping multiple navies happy with the prices paid and the requirement over time to see support costs reduced. International programs frequently benefit by pooling spare units and ownership by OEMs, such that the number required (and hence the costs) are lower and risks to availability can be somewhat mitigated. Instead of each nation addressing emerging technical issues separately, sharing the costs should make it cheaper for all. So too are there potential benefits for OEM infrastructure, as top-notch physical plant and software assurance against cyber-attack are much more affordable to all concerned. Hence, the conventional wisdom is that such an international in-service support program should offer a better return on investment in terms of greater performance at lower costs, as well as the possibility for greater scalability to adapt to variations in demand for services. But as mentioned earlier, this comes typically with the potential for fewer economic benefits for Canada – clearly an important consideration. TOP OF PAGE Unique Considerations of the Case at Hand In exploring a possible international program for the U.K., Australia and Canada to leverage their selection of the same basic platform design and designer (BAE Systems), it is useful to accept the conventional wisdom but explore additional factors that should be weighed in a sustainment business case. What follows is a potpourri of additional considerations worthy of study. It is useful to address what could be included in the term “in-service support”. Based on common equipments and systems, it could include design agent services, maintenance, spares, training and documentation within an integrated data environment, to name the most important few. Nations could also select from among these options for hybrid arrangements. Near the top of the list for CSC is the fact that it is under the umbrella of the National Shipbuilding Strategy (NSS). The strategy specifically prevents the NSS shipyards from providing a single day of in-service support once they are delivered to the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) unless such shipyards win those rights through a competitive procurement process. This is unique – a departure from past approaches in Canadian government shipbuilding – and quite frankly considered to be imprudent. In the very early days of a new class of complex ships, the prime contractor (often the build shipyard and/or designer) usually provides as a minimum a number of years of ISS. The shipbuilder typically has the best expert knowledge that exists for the initial years of services, along with the relationships and a degree of leverage with the major equipment/systems' OEMs. Normally, an in-service support bridging contract is awarded concurrent with the ship construction contract. Often, the prime contractor is then awarded a long-term ISS contract. There is a story as to why ship maintenance support for vessels delivered under NSS departed from the norm (there is always a story), and confirmation should be obtained as soon as possible that the earlier decision is reversible, to allow the business case to include all options. Related to the former paragraph, Canada has relatively recently awarded a contract to Thales for support services for the Arctic offshore patrol ships and the joint support ships. Although these ships have yet to be turned over to the RCN, one would expect that even at this early stage many lessons have been learned which should be taken into account when conducting the business case, such as whether the knowledge was/is available to support first-day-under-power with the RCN. BAE Systems is at the heart of the potential international program. From the internet alone, one observes that, among other classes of Royal Navy (RN) ships, BAE Systems manages design, equipment maintenance and ship modifications for the RN's Type 45 destroyers. It therefore would be important to ask the RN how well their approach is working and to explore the details of the existing contract, infrastructure arrangements, innovations introduced and performance to date. This would be a bellwether to the likelihood that the RN would be at least interested in an international support program for their Type 26 frigates in terms of capability and customer-focused cultural flexibility at BAE Systems. And if they have misgivings and/or if Australia is not interested, the international program option may be eliminated from the business case. One would expect that all three nations would support the generation of their own business cases and compare conclusions before making decisions. Earlier, I offered the assumption that the platform systems are likely to employ the same major equipment systems, but that the combat systems are unlikely to be common. But to overstate the obvious, warships are not like layer cakes – they do not have separate top and bottom halves. The three naval variants being procured are exceptionally integrated and complex super-systems. Therefore, in-service support must address both sets of major equipment/systems – platform and combat systems. BAE Systems is the overall combat systems integrator for the Type 26 frigates destined for the RN and an obvious choice to deliver in-service support. Lockheed Martin Canada is the equivalent for the CSC. And BAE Systems Australia is partnered with Lockheed Martin Australia and Saab Australia to deliver the combat system integration for the Hunter-class frigates. Therefore, an international – almost-whole-of-ship – ISS solution might even offer significant economic benefits to all three nations. This could create challenges based on the proverbial “too many eggs in one basket”, and certain safeguards would be required. It is worthwhile to note an anomaly in Canada's case regarding the construction of these warships. BAE Systems is responsible for building all of the ships in question in the U.K. and Australia, but Irving Shipbuilding is responsible under NSS to construct the CSCs. One should never underestimate the shipbuilder's knowledge when dealing with a complex seagoing vessel, and a sole platform-related focus on BAE Systems alone would, in the Canadian case, be a deficit in any international program. Irving Shipbuilding's contribution should therefore be considered in the business case for Canada. Should the business case be strong, there is an argument that a directed contract to an Irving-BAE partnership for in-country platform in-service support would make sense and be in the public's interest. As mentioned earlier, although this was prohibited under the original terms of the National Shipbuilding Procurement Strategy, it could be waived in this instance for those warships that will be the backbone of Canada's maritime defence for 30 years. It would provide significant economic benefits as well. There is clearly the significant potential of operational value to such an arrangement, in addition to strong performance supporting day-to-day readiness. The three nations are on three different continents, and all three navies pursue global deployments. The availability of full ISS in or within the reach of Canada, the U.K. and Australia provides significant benefits to all three navies over their 30-year lives when breakdowns occur far from home port. The business case should take into account the fact that the U.K. may export the global combat ship design more broadly in the world. If an international consortium delivering in-service support were in place, it could become an important selling feature for potential buyers of the GCS. This undoubtedly could enhance value for money, flexibility and performance for the three plank owner nations. And from a Canadian perspective, as the nation with the largest stake in the game at 15 warships, we should be able to significantly influence the contractual arrangements with current and future parties to the international program. A typical and expensive part of the life cycle of warships is midlife conversions. Combat systems in particular require modernization to employ new technologies designed to address new threats. These are extremely complex endeavours. Once again, the degree of value for money through life could be even greater, depending on the degree of commonality of the equipment upgrade options selected. And the very fact that Canada would see opportunities worth considering as fully developed options would in itself offer potential cost benefits that would otherwise be unlikely to occur. As part of the business case analysis, it would be useful to study the commercial marine industry examples of international in-service support. Large ship operators and OEMs are very experienced in working across national and client boundaries to deliver economical services. Any business case should capture the pros and cons more broadly in the commercial business sector as well. There could be a benefit as part of an international program in terms of the people required. As the proverb goes, many hands make light work. Since the launch of what was then termed the National Shipbuilding Procurement Strategy, Canada's marine HR challenges within government have become more pronounced. An international program could lighten the load while expanding the experience base for involved government and naval personnel in tackling the demands of supporting as complex a platform as the CSC. It would be important to understand the challenges surrounding the governance in the broadest sense. Though not at all unique, governance would likely need to be structured to address three separate functions – the integrated supplier-client engagement, the clients' government-to-government activity and industry-to-industry supplier co-ordination. While not uncommon when contracting for goods and services for complex systems, the international aspects, length of the arrangement and the ever-increasing volatility in the marketplace are noteworthy. With such complexity and the constantly changing stakeholders involved over 30 years, the mechanisms for a strong and appropriate relationship alignment would be critical to long-term success. When dealing with a high degree of complexity in an international program such as this, the business case needs to assess the likelihood that the collaboration can be created and maintained in terms of the critical enabling relationships. In the factors highlighted here and as with any business case, the importance of comparing the international program solution with what seems to be the more recent and typical Canadian in-service solution resulting from a competitive procurement cannot be underestimated. Arctic and Offshore Patrol Ships and Joint Support Ships In-Service Support (AJISS) is the latest Canadian example and must be carefully analyzed even at this early stage to determine the prognosis for achieving the desired outcomes. Again, engagement with allies to assess their experience with single-nation support scenarios would be important in establishing the right comparators to enable coherent business case recommendations. It would be prudent to consider the long view as part of the business case – including such things as the likelihood that nations would retire their warships at different times or even opt out of the international ISS program long before end-of life. While much can change, an early appreciation and understanding of various scenarios and the related risks would be important. As a final point, such complicated business case assessments are never easy. After assembling the assumption set and the criteria analysis, and after negotiating “les grandes lignes” of a contractual agreement, it would be important to avoid the common pitfall of allowing one or two pros or cons to dominate the decision-making. Too often, the complexity that defies the “kiss principle” leads to rejection of otherwise optimum solutions. But at the end of the day, one must accept that it will be a judgment call. TOP OF PAGE Concluding Material Under the five-year-old Defence Procurement Strategy, Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC) is responsible for leading the industry engagement that launches defence procurement processes. More recently, the ISS procurement strategies have been based on the results of the sustainment initiative business case led by DND. At virtually every opportunity over the past decade, I have emphasized the importance of managing expectations. In every discussion with industry, it behooves those leading the CSC in-service support exploration activity to include the possibility of an international program solution. To eliminate that option without study would be both shortsighted and inexcusable. Also, failing to repeatedly ensure that all stakeholders are aware of the potential for such an outcome would lack transparency and be disingenuous. When the RCN's readiness to deliver operational capability is at stake, along with billions of Canadian taxpayers' dollars for CSC in-service support over 30 years, it matters. And an international in-service support program for the new frigates of Canada, the U.K. and Australia is an important option worth considering. TOP OF PAGE About the Author After a 38 year career with the Royal Canadian Navy, Ian Mack (Rear-Admiral Retired) served for a decade (2007-2017) as the Director-General in the Department of National Defence responsible for the conception, shaping and support of the launch and subsequent implementation of the National Shipbuilding Strategy, and for guiding the DND project managers for the Arctic Offshore Patrol Ships, the Joint Support Ships and the Canadian Surface Combatants. He also had responsibility for four vehicle projects for the Canadian Army until 2015. Since leaving the government, he has offered his shipbuilding and project management perspectives internationally. Ian is a longstanding Fellow of the International Centre for Complex Project Management. He also is allied with Strategic Relationships Solutions Inc. He is married to Alex, and has three grown children. With few accommodations for impaired mobility, he remains active. Upon retirement, he founded a small business, Xi Complexity Consulting Inc. in Ottawa Canada. TOP OF PAGE Canadian Global Affairs Institute The Canadian Global Affairs Institute focuses on the entire range of Canada's international relations in all its forms including (in partnership with the University of Calgary's School of Public Policy), trade investment and international capacity building. Successor to the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute (CDFAI, which was established in 2001), the Institute works to inform Canadians about the importance of having a respected and influential voice in those parts of the globe where Canada has significant interests due to trade and investment, origins of Canada's population, geographic security (and especially security of North America in conjunction with the United States), social development, or the peace and freedom of allied nations. The Institute aims to demonstrate to Canadians the importance of comprehensive foreign, defence and trade policies which both express our values and represent our interests. The Institute was created to bridge the gap between what Canadians need to know about Canadian international activities and what they do know. Historically Canadians have tended to look abroad out of a search for markets because Canada depends heavily on foreign trade. In the modern post-Cold War world, however, global security and stability have become the bedrocks of global commerce and the free movement of people, goods and ideas across international boundaries. Canada has striven to open the world since the 1930s and was a driving factor behind the adoption of the main structures which underpin globalization such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the World Trade Organization and emerging free trade networks connecting dozens of international economies. The Canadian Global Affairs Institute recognizes Canada's contribution to a globalized world and aims to inform Canadians about Canada's role in that process and the connection between globalization and security. In all its activities the Institute is a charitable, non-partisan, non-advocacy organization that provides a platform for a variety of viewpoints. It is supported financially by the contributions of individuals, foundations, and corporations. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Institute publications and programs are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Institute staff, fellows, directors, advisors or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to, or collaborate with, the Institute. https://www.cgai.ca/an_in_service_support_opportunity

  • CDR Names Lockheed Martin Canada Top Defence Company For 2020

    5 mai 2020 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    CDR Names Lockheed Martin Canada Top Defence Company For 2020

    MARKHAM, Ontario--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Leading defence and military magazine, CANADIAN DEFENCE REVIEW, has just released its annual survey and ranking of Canada's Top Defence Companies. For 2020, CDR has named Lockheed Martin Canada, its Top Defence Company and it's their third time at the #1 spot over the 16 years the survey has been published. Parent company, Lockheed Martin, is the world's largest defence contractor but the Canadian operation constitutes a tiny sliver of the corporation, however, of particular interest to CDR, is the fact that its cutting edge naval technology is all home-grown! In commenting on the selection, Lorraine Ben, Lockheed Martin Canada Chief Executive, said, “... our success is founded upon long-standing partnerships with Canada, the Canadian Forces, and the country's defence supply sector.” She added, “This recognition by CDR is a true testament to our team and the extraordinary talent and dedication our employees have. And not only for our Lockheed Martin Canada team, but for our vast network of Canadian suppliers and partners – we have a rich history supporting collective success across Canadian industry and we are looking forward to growing this positive impact.” CDR Editor-in-Chief, Peter Kitchen, commented, “Lockheed Martin Canada has proven time and time again that it is a great corporate citizen and we were particularly impressed how the company not only develops its key naval technology in-country, but it also draws on the vast resources of the mother company in a very effective way.” There have been ten new companies added to the CDR survey this year, showing Canada's defence industry is vibrant and growing. An evaluation panel consisting of CDR editorial staff and independent advisors ranked the companies based on factors such as economic impact, innovation, contribution to the nation's security, corporate integrity and support for Canada's military. With the publication of its annual Top 75 Defence Companies Survey & Ranking, CDR's goal is to showcase Canada's defence industry and all that it has to offer. And that's why, in the current challenging environment, CDR is proud to be part of an industry that is fighting valiantly against the Covid-19 pandemic threatening the nation. Contacts Peter A. Kitchen, Editor-in-Chief Telephone: (905) 554-4586 Email: Comments@CanadianDefenceReview.com www.CanadianDefenceReview.com https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20200504005040/en/CDR-Names-Lockheed-Martin-Canada-Top-Defence

  • The List: Here are the weapons identified as prohibited in Canada

    4 mai 2020 | Local, Terrestre

    The List: Here are the weapons identified as prohibited in Canada

    SaltWire Network Published: May 01 at 2:43 p.m. Updated: May 01 at 3:18 p.m Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced Friday the addition of "assault-style" weapons to the list of prohibited Firearms in Canada. Here are the updated sections of federal firearms regulations. 83 The firearms of the designs commonly known as the SG-550 rifle and SG-551 carbine, and any variants or modified versions of them, including the SAN Swiss Arms (a) Aestas; (b) Autumnus; (c) Black Special; (d) Black Special Carbine; (e) Black Special CQB; (f) Black Special Target; (g) Blue Star; (h) Classic Green; (i) Classic Green Carbine; (j) Classic Green CQB; (k) Classic Green Sniper; (l) Heavy Metal; (m) Hiemis; (n) Red Devil; (o) Swiss Arms Edition; and (p) Ver. The entire list : https://www.thechronicleherald.ca/news/canada/the-list-here-are-the-weapons-identified-as-prohibited-in-canada-444750/

  • The List: Here are the weapons identified as prohibited in Canada

    4 mai 2020 | Local, Terrestre

    The List: Here are the weapons identified as prohibited in Canada

    SaltWire Network Published: May 01 at 2:43 p.m. Updated: May 01 at 3:18 p.m Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced Friday the addition of "assault-style" weapons to the list of prohibited Firearms in Canada. Here are the updated sections of federal firearms regulations. 83 The firearms of the designs commonly known as the SG-550 rifle and SG-551 carbine, and any variants or modified versions of them, including the SAN Swiss Arms (a) Aestas; (b) Autumnus; (c) Black Special; (d) Black Special Carbine; (e) Black Special CQB; (f) Black Special Target; (g) Blue Star; (h) Classic Green; (i) Classic Green Carbine; (j) Classic Green CQB; (k) Classic Green Sniper; (l) Heavy Metal; (m) Hiemis; (n) Red Devil; (o) Swiss Arms Edition; and (p) Ver. The entire list : https://www.thechronicleherald.ca/news/canada/the-list-here-are-the-weapons-identified-as-prohibited-in-canada-444750/

  • Liberals set to break promise to buy back ‘all’ assault weapons in Canada

    4 mai 2020 | Local, Terrestre

    Liberals set to break promise to buy back ‘all’ assault weapons in Canada

    The Liberal government is walking back an election promise to buy back “all" military-style assault rifles in Canada, opting instead to allow current owners to sell their weapons to the government or to keep them under a grandfathering process, federal officials say. The measure is set to anger both sides of the gun-control debate, who are already polarized over the looming ban of a number of semi-automatic weapons. The partial buyback program is the latest example of the Liberal Party of Canada promising strict gun-control measures during an election and then backing off in government. Under grandfathering, new weapons sales will be stopped, but current owners will be allowed to keep their banned weapons at home under certain conditions. The broad details of the buyback program were provided by federal officials, whom The Globe and Mail is not identifying because they were not authorized to speak publicly on the matter. Alison de Groot, of the Canadian Sporting Arms and Ammunition Association, said a partial buyback program is “bad public policy” and doesn't make sense. “It is totally ineffective and a waste of taxpayer dollars,” she said. “Canadians will not be safer.” Nathalie Provost, who was hit by four bullets during the 1989 École Polytechnique massacre in which 14 women died, said a partial buyback is another disappointment in her 30-year battle for gun control. She said she understands the logistical difficulties of a full buyback, but blamed the situation on a series of failures by successive governments to enact strong gun-control measures. She was particularly critical of the elimination in 2012 of much of the federal long-gun registry under the previous Harper government. “I'm so angry, you can't imagine,” said Ms. Provost, who is part of a gun-control group called Poly Remembers. As previously reported by The Globe, the federal government is implementing its election promise to ban military-style assault rifles in Canada. Federal officials said the government has adopted a list of nine weapons to be prohibited in Canada, including firearms such as the AR-15, the Ruger Mini-14 and the Beretta CX4 Storm that have been used in mass shootings, in Canada or abroad Provisional list of recommended prohibited firearms Estimated numbers in Canada M16, M4, AR-10, AR-15 Sandy Hook, New Zealand, Las Vegas, Orlando Mini-14 Polytechnique 83,570 16,860 M14 Moncton Swiss Arms Classic Green 5,230 1,340 Vz58 Quebec Mosque CZ Scorpion EVO 3 11,590 1,810 Beretta CX4 Storm Dawson College SIG MCX and SIG MPX 1,510 1,000 Robinson XCR Guns above 20 mm calibre 1,830 30 Guns with muzzle energy above 10,000 joules 600 MURAT YÜKSELIR / THE GLOBE AND MAIL, SOURCE: GOVERNMENT OF CANADA The ban, which has been made through a cabinet decision, is set to be announced and take effect shortly. The government expects that banning the nine platforms and their variants will scoop up close to 1,500 different models in the country, totalling tens of thousands of individual firearms. In addition to the nine platforms, prohibitions are expected to be placed on guns with a muzzle energy exceeding 10,000 joules, which would snare .50-calibre sniper rifles, and those with calibres in excess of 20 millimetres, a rare grade of firearm that includes some grenade launchers. “Those are the only two prohibitions that make sense,” said A.J. Somerset, author of Arms: The Culture and Credo of the Gun and a former gunnery instructor with the Canadian Forces. “They seek to ban things around specifications. Going after individual models perpetuates the same failed approach." Mr. Somerset said that prohibiting specific models resembles a push in the 1990s to crack down on semi-automatic assault-style rifles under then-prime minister Jean Chrétien. Rather than passing comprehensive legislation, the government of the day sought to stamp out “military-style assault weapons” by identifying gun models through order-in-council. According to RCMP briefing notes, the orders-in-council were intended to be updated continually as new guns arrived on the Canadian market. For the most part, that never happened and gun manufacturers easily switched production to firearm models that circumvented the regulations. “As soon as they prohibit one model, other models will become popular – it's whack-a-mole,” said Alan Voth, a gun forensics consultant and retired RCMP firearms analyst. Mr. Voth said the 1990s prohibitions made Canada's classification system so convoluted that regional RCMP forensics labs would often disagree with one another over how certain firearm models should be classified. The government eventually centralized classification duties in Ottawa, in part to overcome regional discrepancies. Unlike the coming ban on specific assault-style weapons, the buyback program, and further gun-control measures being prepared by Ottawa, will need to be enacted through new legislation and are only scheduled to take effect next year. It remains unclear how much the buyback program will cost, but Ms. de Groot said the Liberals “grossly underestimated” the cost when they provided a $250-million price tag during the election. In a statement, Conservative MP Pierre Paul-Hus accused the government of using the “immediate emotion” of a recent mass shooting in Nova Scotia to “make major policy changes” such as the ban on assault weapons. The NDP and the Bloc Québécois both said they support a ban of assault weapons. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau defended the timing of the ban on Thursday, explaining his government was nearly ready to introduce the gun-control measures when Parliament suspended its regular activities in March because of the COVID-19 pandemic. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-liberals-set-to-break-promise-to-buy-back-all-assault-weapons-in/

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