3 août 2022 | Local, Aérospatial

Snowbirds won't take flight as military investigators look into cause of crash

There is no timeline for how long the aircraft will be on the sidelines, according to the Department of National Defence

https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/snowbirds-wont-take-flight-as-military-investigators-look-into-cause-of-crash

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  • Canadian defense minister talks fighter competition and geopolitics

    1 décembre 2020 | Local, Aérospatial

    Canadian defense minister talks fighter competition and geopolitics

    By: Aaron Mehta; DefenseNews.com 20 November 2020 WASHINGTON — When the Trudeau government took office in 2015, one of the first appointments was tapping Harjit Sajjan, a combat veteran who served in Afghanistan, as Canada's minister of national defense. Sajjan is now one of the lonest-serving ministers of defense in Canadian history. After an appearance at the Halifax International Security Forum, Sajjan talked with Defense News about the country's long-awaited fighter jet procurement, as well as the nation's future on the world stage. The interview has been edited for clarity and length. Regarding the fighter competition, the plan is to either downselect to two jets in 2021, or make a final decision in 2022. Where does that decision stand? How has the coronavirus pandemic impacted the timing and size of the program? I'm very happy with the progress of the selection for our next fighter. And it's gone to a very good stage where we actually have three companies. I don't know exactly — because the team there that does the analysis is independent — which direction they'll go, of downselecting or how that's going to happen. So we'll see how the progress moves ahead. I can turn to your direct question regarding COVID-19. We initially, obviously, just like anybody, had some minor delays because we had to shift a lot of the resources to the pandemic fight. But we were able to shift our people back into dealing with our procurement very quickly because, as you know, defense is an essential service, and making sure that those jobs continue was very important to us. So the delays were actually very minor. And all the updates that I've reviewed so far [shows] that things are actually progressing extremely well. So you don't see any delays for that program likely coming as a result of COVID-19 or anything else? Right now I'm confident that we'll be able to make up any time because the shift that we made. [We have some] very good people [who] are running these very large projects, so we needed to shift some of that talent to the COVID-19 fight initially, for good reason. But in a few months, we were able to shift those people back to this program. Canada's defense budget is set to significantly increase in the coming years based on the 2017 defense policy agreement. You've recently said this will still happen, but some experts said that given the economic impact of the last year and given post-pandemic priorities, the defense budget might end up either changing or taking a cut. How confident are you that the targets that have been set are going to be hit, budget wise? First of all, the security challenges that we face around the world don't change. And that's an important point for everybody to take note of, and it's something that we took note when we conducted our defense policy review. This is one of the reasons why, when we put this defense policy together, we wanted to have a thorough cost analysis done early on based on the capabilities that we felt that we needed, not only for the defense of Canada but to be good partners as part of this financial command at North American Aerospace Defense Command or the Five Eyes [intelligence-sharing alliance] and the work that we do at NATO. So we made a decision to fund the defense policy for the duration, which is 20 years. So there was a government-level decision to do this, to carve it out of the fiscal framework, and that should give assurance to people how seriously we took this from the beginning. We looked at any type of financial challenges that a nation might go through, but we also knew that we needed to maintain the defense funding because, as you know, in the past, defense policies have been put out, but the money has not been included, and they had to be agreed upon every single year. Based on that experience, I can understand some of the concerns that some of these experts actually have, but this is something that we looked at right from the beginning, and the reason why we made a government-level decision to fund the defense policy for the 20 years. So it can't be just a very quick decision to change the defense budget. But more importantly, one of the things — probably one of the most important things that we need to take a look at, especially as we deal with COVID-19 — is the economic downturn, [is that] the defense industry adds a significant amount of well-paying jobs. So it's very important to keep these investments moving because this is about maintaining well-paying jobs across the country and supply chain that we have, connected with our allies, especially with the U.S. You mentioned global challenges. Something that recently emerged is this idea of the “Quad” between India, Japan, the United States and Australia. Do you see Canada having a role in that, and would you want to join? I can see what that initiative — what it was trying to achieve. But let's keep in mind: We already had some good mechanisms where we were working with — so for example, with the United Nations Security Council resolutions on sanctions monitoring in North Korea, that was where nations came together from all the nations that participated in the Korean conflict, Korean War early on, where we decided to up our support for [monitoring.] We created Operation NEON in Canada to provide the direct support. In fact, one of our frigates just completed their work with monitoring, and we have a surveillance aircraft still in the region conducting that work. So the work that the Quad does — I think it's extremely important. I think we need to have a much wider conversation of not just looking at the Quad, but we need to look at how allies are going to come together to look at how do we support places like the Asia-Pacific region and our Association of Southeast Asian Nations partners in the Indo-Pacific region. So I think it's a good effort, but I think we need to look at even more thorough analysis and look at what are the things that nations can contribute. There's also talk about whether to expand Five Eyes, perhaps by formally including Japan. Is the idea of a formal Five Eyes expansion something you support? First of all, Five Eyes is probably one of the most trusted agreements that we have. It's not just: “You sign an agreement, and you're part of a trusted group.” There are some very strict measures that every nation needs to take in terms of the security architecture that's needed inside your country, how we communicate — that provides a framework. That framework also includes a set of laws about governance, as well. But it does not preclude us from working with other partners, and [partners] having greater cooperation with the Five Eyes. And if ever down the road there's an opportunity, I think that's something that's to be kept on the table. But I think Five Eyes allows us to be able to work with likeminded partners, like Japan, and we're already doing some great work as it is. We'll see where the discussion goes. It seems like you're saying you're happy to work with other nations, and already do that, but that Five Eyes requires such a strict legal measure that a formal expansion might not make sense. What I'm going to say here is that there's a lot of good work already being done. When you have an expansion, that alone would require a significant amount of effort toward that. But I think right now we need to take a look at how do we use our current mechanisms to create the effects we need. Because there is a concern right now, and we need to support our ASEAN partners in the Pacific. And so it's better to look at mechanisms that we have in place and work toward a larger relationship. You've made pointed comments about China and the challenge from Beijing. Where's the greatest challenge from China for Canada? The Arctic? The Pacific? Is it economic? It's not just one thing, or pick one over another. I would say overall, the unpredictable nature that China has created, that when you go outside the international rules-based order — that was set up for good reason after the Second World War, of creating predictability — it's the unpredictability that China has created that's giving us significant concerns. So everything from freedom of navigation to how finances are used in countries to bring in influence. About the most important, the biggest one for us, is when they have a disagreement [they will] arbitrarily detain citizens. So we have two citizens who are detained. Australia just, I believe, had an incident very similar to ours. These are some of the things that cause nations around the world to take a [concerned] look. So I wouldn't say it's just one. The Arctic, I'll be honest with you, it will always be a concern for Canada because our sovereignty is extremely important to us. We want to work within partnerships under international laws. We want to do this, but a pattern that's created in other areas has caused concern for us in Canada. There's a debate among foreign policy experts over whether Canada has been too passive. Does Canada need to take a more robust foreign and national security policy stance, or are you comfortable with where it is now? I would say our stance has been misunderstood, then. If you look at the last five years alone, when we formed the government and I became defense minister, we didn't have a consistent engagement in the Pacific. Now we do. We're officially part of Operation NEON, conducting sanctions monitoring; we obviously, because of COVID-19, weren't able to do this, but we've had ships in the Pacific conducting visits, doing exercises as well, or being part of Exercise RIMPAC. And also increasing our whole-of-government approach. We put a battlegroup into Latvia that we lead, [forces] in Ukraine, we actually increased our role there, increased our footprint with the coalition to fight ISIS [the Islamic State group]. And the list goes on. We've actually commanded the NATO training mission in Iraq for the last two years. So when you look at what we do, it is quite significant. But I think in terms of — you can look at it as passive or active. We have to take a look at what does each nation bring to the table. And I remember having a conversation with [U.S. Defense Secretary Jim] Mattis about this. It's about utilizing the skill set of your closest allies and how you work together in creating effects for our diplomats. And that's exactly what Canada has been doing: being a credible partner to convene conversations to be able to move toward peaceful resolutions to disagreements. I wouldn't say that we've actually had to step back in any way. In fact, if you look at the record of what we've actually done, not only we've talked about increasing our spending, we've actually increased our capabilities and contributions at the same time. Aaron Mehta is Deputy Editor and Senior Pentagon Correspondent for Defense News, covering policy, strategy and acquisition at the highest levels of the Department of Defense and its international partners. https://www.defensenews.com/global/the-americas/2020/11/30/canadian-defense-minister-talks-fighter-competition-and-geopolitics/

  • Why Canada’s Failure to Win U.N. Security Council Seat Is a Huge Loss for Justin Trudeau

    19 juin 2020 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Why Canada’s Failure to Win U.N. Security Council Seat Is a Huge Loss for Justin Trudeau

    BY KAIT BOLONGARO / BLOOMBERG JUNE 17, 2020 11:42 PM EDT Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his top diplomat sought to put a brave face on their failure to secure a spot on the United Nations Security Council in one of the Canadian leader's biggest defeats yet on the world stage. Trudeau waged a four-year campaign for a council seat in what he hoped would represent a vindication of his foreign policy — a staunch defense of pluralism and multilateralism at a time of global upheaval. But his brand of progressive politics sometimes fell flat and he's been criticized as being preachy on liberal values. “We listened and learned from other countries, which opened new doors for cooperation to address global challenges, and we created new partnerships that increased Canada's place in the world,” Trudeau said in a statement Wednesday after the vote. Foreign Affairs Minister Francois-Philippe Champagne said at a press conference the country's campaign allowed Canada to renew and strengthen bilateral connections across the world. The latest setback is just one of many recent struggles for Trudeau globally, including a deterioration of relations with China and Saudi Arabia and a disastrous state visit to India. Not Back But none, perhaps, are as big a personal setback for the prime minister as Wednesday's defeat. The government had seen a return to the security council as a fulfillment of the Canadian leader's promise — the day after he took power in 2015 — to bring the country “back” on the world stage. “Many of you have worried that Canada has lost its compassionate and constructive voice in the world over the past 10 years,” Trudeau said at the time. “Well, I have a simple message for you: on behalf of 35 million Canadians, we're back.” Canada received the support of 108 countries of a total 192 that voted Wednesday afternoon at UN Headquarters in New York. Norway and Ireland, Canada's two rivals, received 130 and 128 votes, passing the required two-thirds majority of 128 ballots. “It's really the biggest embarrassment he will suffer in his prime minister-ship in Canada, particularly on international affairs,” said Shuvaloy Majumdar, a senior fellow at the MacDonald Laurier Institute and former adviser on foreign policy in Prime Minister Stephen Harper's conservative government. Canada has now been overlooked for the second time in the past decade to become a non-permanent member on the agency's decision-making body. https://time.com/5855483/canada-un-security-council-seat/

  • Lockheed Martin Canada Welcomes ANZAC Frigate HMNZS TE KAHA to Canada to Begin Modernization Contract Work

    7 mars 2018 | Local, Naval

    Lockheed Martin Canada Welcomes ANZAC Frigate HMNZS TE KAHA to Canada to Begin Modernization Contract Work

    OTTAWA, Ontario, March 7, 2018 /PRNewswire/ -- Lockheed Martin (NYSE: LMT) Canada has signed a formal contract with the New Zealand government for ship installation and trials to complete the upgrade and modernization of the ANZAC class frigates. The first of two frigates, Her Majesty's New Zealand Ship (HMNZS) TE KAHA arrived in Victoria yesterday. Lockheed Martin Canada is responsible for designing and supplying the upgraded combat system for each ANZAC Class Frigate, including a new combat management system – based on Lockheed Martin Canada's Combat Management System 330 – along with the supply and integration of various sensors, a missile system and a Combat Systems Trainer. Lockheed Martin Canada has entered into a subcontractual agreement with Seaspan Victoria Shipyards Co. Ltd in Victoria, BC, to install the new systems on the ship platforms. "We are very happy to continue our relationship with the Royal New Zealand Navy," said Acting Vice President and General Manager of Lockheed Martin Canada RMS, Gary Fudge. "The New Zealand ANZAC Frigate Systems Upgrade marked our official entrance onto the international market as a combat systems integrator in 2014. Our continued partnership with the Navy is something we are very proud of," added Fudge. "Our partnership with Canadian shipyards on the Halifax Class Modernization program and the confidence that Canada placed in those shipyards on the National Shipbuilding Strategy program led directly to our ability to contract the ANZAC refit work to Seaspan," stated Fudge. Today, Lockheed Martin Canada is the Combat Systems Integrator (CSI) for four major active programs across three countries, including New Zealand's frigate upgrade project, the Chilean Navy's Type 23 modernization, Canada's Arctic Offshore Patrol Ship, and the lead program which saw the initial development of the CMS 330, the Halifax Class Modernization program. "The modernization and upgrades of ANZAC class frigates are critically important to the Royal New Zealand Navy," said Vice President of International Naval Systems Programs Kevin Arthurs. "These upgrades will provide the ships with a greater degree of survivability through a faster decision-making process and a more appropriate response to a variety of threats," added Arthurs. Her Majesty's New Zealand Ship (HMNZS) TE KAHA arrived in Canada yesterday and HMNZS TE MANA is scheduled to arrive in 2019. Under Lockheed Martin Canada supervision and direction, Seaspan Shipyards will refit and install the new systems with an expected completion date of 2020 for the entire contract. The second frigate, HMNZS TE MANA, is scheduled to arrive in 2019. For additional information, visit our website: www.lockheedmartin.ca. About Lockheed Martin Lockheed Martin Canada, headquartered in Ottawa, is the Canadian-based arm of Lockheed Martin Corporation, a global security and aerospace company employing 100,000 people worldwide. Lockheed Martin Canada has been Canada's trusted defence partner for nearly 80 years specializing in the development, integration and sustainment of advanced technology systems, products and services. The company employs approximately 980 employees at major facilities in Ottawa, Montreal, Halifax, Calgary, and Victoria, working on a wide range of major programs spanning the aerospace, defence and commercial sectors. SOURCE Lockheed Martin https://news.lockheedmartin.com/2018-03-07-Lockheed-Martin-Canada-Welcomes-ANZAC-Frigate-HMNZS-TE-KAHA-to-Canada-to-Begin-Modernization-Contract-Work

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