10 juillet 2020 | International, Aérospatial

General Atomics to conduct test flights of SeaGuardian drone in Japan

BY ON 9TH JULY 2020

General Atomics Aeronautical Systems is to validate its SeaGuardian unmanned drone for use by Japan's Coast Guard Service in mid-September in a series of test flights.

The long endurance Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems (RPAS) SeaGuardian is a variant of the MQ-9 Reaper drone and features lightning protection, composite materials, and sense and avoid technology. The 79 ft (24 m) wingspan aircraft can fly for up to 40 hours at up to 50,000 ft.

The validation flights, which will be conducted in partnership with Asia Air Survey (AAS) are expected to run for approximately two months and will include support from the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) at its Hachinohe base in Aomori Prefecture.

The flights aim to validate the wide-area maritime surveillance capabilities of RPAS for carrying out the Japan Coast Guard's (JCG) missions, such as search and rescue, disaster response, and maritime law enforcement.

According to the JCG, the flight validation will be conducted in accordance with “the policy on strengthening maritime security systems,” using drones to perform maritime wide-area surveillance using new technology.

“We're pleased to support the JCG's goals of validating SeaGuardian's maritime surveillance performance,” said Linden Blue, CEO of General Atomics Aeronautical Systems. “We know there is a need in Japan and worldwide for affordable, long-endurance airborne surveillance in the maritime domain.”

The SeaGuardian system features a multi-mode maritime surface-search radar with inverse synthetic aperture radar (ISAR) imaging mode, an automatic identification system (AIS) receiver, and high definition – full motion video sensor equipped with optical and infrared cameras. This sensor suite enables detection and identification of surface vessels over thousands of square nautical miles.

The aircraft's Raytheon-supplied SeaVue surface-search radar system provides automatic tracking of maritime targets and correlation of AIS transmitters with radar tracks.

General Atomics Aeronautical Systems' SeaGuardian and SkyGuardian RPAS are designed to operate in all-weather and are built to achieve Type Certification based on STANAG (NATO standard) airworthiness compliance.

https://www.aerospacetestinginternational.com/news/defense/general-atomics-to-conduct-test-flights-of-seaguardian-drone-in-japan.html

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  • European nations should shape their air-combat fleets to support the F-35, US analysts say

    23 octobre 2020 | International, Aérospatial

    European nations should shape their air-combat fleets to support the F-35, US analysts say

    By: Sebastian Sprenger COLOGNE, Germany — European NATO nations without the fifth-generation F-35 combat jet should mold their fleets to complement the U.S.-developed aircraft in future operations, according to a new report commissioned by U.S. European Command. The analysis, done by the think tank Rand and published Oct. 22, ascribes such a vital advantage to the F-35′s stealth and sensor-fusion features that the jet would be the only aircraft suitable for an initial contact with Russian forces in the event of a conflict. Following that logic, European nations that have already signed up for the Lockheed Martin-made jet should hone their tactics toward that initial engagement, and countries with less advanced aircraft should strive to maximize their ability to complement such an operation, the authors argued. The United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Belgium and Italy are European NATO members in various stages of getting F-35 aircraft. One tier below that, in the eyes of Rand analysts, are countries like Germany or France whose Eurofighter and Rafale fleets, respectively, have sensors advanced enough to be considered “fourth-generation-plus” aircraft. The report's recommendations are based on the hypothetical premise of a Russian land grab on the alliance's eastern flank. “One common scenario considers a calculation by the Russian government that Russia could leverage a regional imbalance in ground forces to occupy some slice of NATO territory, employ air defenses to stave off allied air forces, present a fait accompli similar to that seen in Crimea, and politically divide NATO by calling for negotiations,” the document stated. “The ability of European fifth-generation fighters to penetrate Russian air defenses and make significant combat contributions from the opening hours of a response — at the vanguard — would most likely challenge the logic behind this scenario, improving deterrence by increasing the Russian risks associated with this approach.” The observation follows the belief, which the authors propose is shared by Russia, that NATO forces have the upper hand in air-combat capability, whereas Moscow has the lead in ground forces. To be sure, the Rand analysis covers only one dimension in a potential confrontation with Russia. Air and naval assets as well as cyber weapons for information warfare would also shape the battlefield in potentially unpredictable ways, not to mention any surprise capabilities that either side could throw into the mix to nullify the opponent's technological advantage. The problem for European nations' fourth-generation and “fourth-generation-plus” aircraft, which lack stealth capabilities, is the inability to get close enough to targets without getting shot down by sophisticated air defense weapons, according to Rand. The key to making the best of the continent's aircraft mix is developing the fleets with greater interoperability in mind, the analysts argued. In that sense, non-stealthy combat planes, which typically can carry more weapons than the F-35, still have an important role to play after more advanced fighters clear any ground-based threats. European nations are studying two versions of a sixth-generation weapon for air combat, namely the Tempest project (led by the U.K.) and the Future Combat Air System (led by France and Germany). Those aircraft ideas are slated to come online around 2040, which puts them outside of the scope of the Rand analysis. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/10/22/european-nations-should-shape-their-air-combat-fleets-to-support-the-f-35-us-analysts-say/

  • Boeing-Leonardo Team Scoops Up $2.38B UH-1N Replacement Deal

    28 septembre 2018 | International, Aérospatial

    Boeing-Leonardo Team Scoops Up $2.38B UH-1N Replacement Deal

    By COLIN CLARK The head of Strategic Command must be very happy this evening, having learned that the Air Force is finally buying a new helicopter to guard America's ICBM fields. The Boeing-Leonardo team won the contract to supply 84 helicopters. WASHINGTON: The head of Strategic Command must be very happy this evening, having learned that the Air Force is finally buying a new helicopter to guard America's ICBM fields. The Boeing-Leonardo team won the contract to supply 84 helicopters. UPDATE BEGINS “The award of this contract is great news; today is a good day,” Gen. John Hyten, commander of U.S. Strategic Command said in a statement. “I've been vocal about the need to quickly replace the UH-1N, which is an important part of our multi-layered ICBM defense system. Awarding this contract is a huge step in the right direction in ensuring our Nation's nuclear deterrent remains safe, secure, effective, and ready. I'm grateful to the Air Force and Congress for prioritizing the UH-1N replacement.” UPDATE ENDS Here's how strongly Hyten felt: “Of all the things in my portfolio, I can't even describe how upset I get about the helicopter replacement program,” he told the Senate Armed Services Committee in April 2017. “It's a helicopter, for gosh sakes. We ought to be able to go out and buy a helicopter and put it in the hands of the people that need it. And we should be able to do that quickly.” The helicopters will execute a range of missions, including moving security crews in the event of threats to our nation's ICBM fields, escorting convoys moving nuclear weapons, flying senior government officials out of the capital in the event of an emergency and providing support to the US Embassy in Japan. The Air Force, clearly happy to be putting this tortured acquisition behind them, quoted Air Force Secretary Heather Wilson claiming the deal saved taxpayers $1.7 billion over the service's original estimate of $4.1 billion, thanks to “strong competition.” When Boeing, the prime on the program, showed the helicopter off to reporters last year executives stressed it would save the US taxpayer $1 billion. Lockheed Martin also bid for the program, offering its HH-60U. This evening's contract award of $375 million is for the first four helicopters and includes the integration of non-developmental items. The fixed price contract pays for up to “84 MH-139 helicopters, training devices, and associated support equipment.” The MH-139 has five rotor blades, which, with their tapered ends, significantly reduce the amount of vibration. The helicopter was also noticeably quieter than most of its conventional military competitors. We flew up to 150 knots and it felt as smooth as a large Mercedes sedan on the highway. The helicopters, based on Leonardo's commercial AW139 helicopter, will be assembled by the Italian company at its northeast Philadelphia plant. Boeing will integrate military components at its facility south of Philly. https://breakingdefense.com/2018/09/boeing-leonardo-team-scoops-up-2-38b-uh-1n-replacement-deal/

  • How 5G Will Shape Innovation and Security

    20 décembre 2018 | International, C4ISR

    How 5G Will Shape Innovation and Security

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American technology remains essential for 5G mobile telecommunications. American companies have been strong performers in developing 5G technologies, but the United States and its allies face a fundamental challenge from China. The focus of competition is over 5G's intellectual property, standards, and patents. Huawei, for example, has research programs to develop alternatives to American suppliers, and U.S. trade restrictions have accelerated China's efforts to develop its own 5G industry. While American companies lead in making essential 5G technologies, there are no longer any U.S. manufacturers of core telecommunications network equipment. Four companies dominate the market for the core network technologies needed for 5G networks. None of these companies are American. 1The choices are between European security partners (Ericsson and Nokia) and China (Huawei and ZTE). Telecom is a strategic industry and having two companies with close ties to a hostile power creates risk for the United States and its allies. A secure supply chain for 5G closes off dangerous areas of risk for national security in terms of espionage and the potential disruption to critical infrastructures. China's aggressive global campaign of cyber espionage makes it certain that it will exploit the opportunities it gains as a 5G supplier. One way to envision this is to imagine that the person who built your house decides to burgle it. They know the layout, the power system, the access points, may have kept a key, and perhaps even built in a way to gain surreptitious entry. Major telecom “backbone” equipment connects to the manufacturer over a dedicated channel, reporting back on equipment status and receiving updates and software patches as needed, usually without the operator's knowledge. Equipment could be sold and installed in perfectly secure condition, and a month later, the manufacture could send a software update to create vulnerabilities or disrupt service. The operator and its customers would have no knowledge of this change. The United States can manage 5G risk using two sets of policies. The first is to ensure that American companies can continue to innovate and produce advanced technologies and face fair competition overseas. American and “like-minded” companies routinely outspend their Chinese competitors in 5G R&D and hold 10 times as many 5G patents. Chinese companies still depend on the western companies for the most advanced 5G components. The second is to work with like-minded nations to develop a common approach to 5G security. The United States cannot meet the 5G challenge on its own. When the United States successfully challenged Chinese industrial policy in the past, it has been done in concert with allies. Another task will be to find ways to encourage undecided countries to spend on 5G security. Huawei's telecom networks cost between 20 to 30 percent less than competing products. Huawei also offers foreign customers generous terms for leasing or loans. It can do this because of its access to government funds. Beijing supports Huawei for both strategic and commercial reasons. Many countries will be tempted by the steep discount. Not buying Huawei means paying a “premium” for security to which economic ministries are likely to object. The United States will need to encourage others to pay this security premium while at the same time preparing for a world where the United States unavoidably connects to Huawei-supplied networks and determine how to securely connect and communicate over telecom networks in countries using Chinese network equipment. The United States does not need to copy China's government-centric model for 5G, but it does need to invest in research and adopt a comprehensive approach to combatting non-tariff barriers to trade. 5G leadership requires a broader technology competition policy in the United States that builds the engineering and tech workforce and supports both private and public R&D. The United States also needs to ensure that U.S. companies do not face obstacles from antitrust or patent infringement investigations undertaken by other countries to obtain competitive advantage. In the twentieth century, steel, coal, automobiles, aircraft, ships, and the ability to produce things in mass quantity were the sources of national power. The foundations of security and power are different today. The ability to create and use new technologies is the source of economic strength and military security. Technology, and the capacity to create new technologies, are the basis of information age power. 5G as the cornerstone of a new digital environment is the focal point for the new competition, where the United States is well-positioned to lead but neither success nor security are guaranteed without action. This report is made possible by general support to CSIS. No direct sponsorship contributed to this report. https://www.csis.org/analysis/how-5g-will-shape-innovation-and-security

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