18 septembre 2023 | International, Terrestre

European airborne electronic-attack program kicks into high gear

The European Union's REACT program aims to create jamming "bubbles" around formations of allied warplanes, according to a Spanish industry official.

https://www.c4isrnet.com/global/europe/2023/09/18/european-airborne-electronic-attack-program-kicks-into-high-gear/

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  • Suisse: Cinq candidats évalués jusqu’à fin juin

    1 mai 2019 | International, Aérospatial

    Suisse: Cinq candidats évalués jusqu’à fin juin

    Par Sébastien Galliker Avions de combatEurofighter, F/A-18 Super Hornet, Rafale, F-35A et Gripen E sont testés par Armasuisse sur la base de Payerne. Cinq avions de combat sont en lice pour remplacer les Tiger et les F/A-18 de l'armée suisse. Quatre jours de tests sont prévus pour chacun, selon l'ordre alphabétique. L'Eurofighter d'Airbus était le premier sur la sellette, dès le 11 avril. La phase de sélection du F/A-18 Super Hornet de Boeing a débuté le 29 avril. Le Rafale de Dassault suivra dès le 20 mai, puis le F-35A de Lockheed-Martin le 6 juin et enfin le Gripen E de Saab à partir du 24 juin. Pour chaque avion, Armasuisse a prévu un après-midi aux spotters et autres citoyens intéressés pour approcher l'avion respectif à l'intérieur de l'aérodrome militaire. Les places sont toutefois limitées et l'attrait du public et surtout des photographes est grand. «C'est un peu comme le Paléo pour s'inscrire, il faut être connecté au moment où les places sont ouvertes», commente un spotter. Armasuisse précise aussi sur son site qu'«il ne s'agit pas d'un meeting aérien. Aucune manœuvre supplémentaire, des loopings par exemple, ne sera présentée.» Les essais incluent huit missions comportant des t'ches spécifiques. Effectuées par un ou deux avions de combat, parfois en en solo par un pilote étranger pour le F-35A et le Gripen E qui sont des monoplaces et sinon en présence d'un ingénieur helvétique, ces missions consisteront en 17 décollages et atterrissages. Elles seront axées sur les aspects opérationnels, les aspects techniques et les caractéristiques particulières. «L'objectif n'est pas de sélectionner le meilleur avion, mais le meilleur pour la Suisse», avait présenté Christian Catrina, délégué du Conseil fédéral pour ce dossier, lors de sa présentation. La taille de la future flotte n'est pas encore déterminée, même si les prévisions oscillent entre 30 et 40 avions de combat. Le Conseil fédéral fera son choix à fin 2020, début 2021 et la facture totale sera de l'ordre de 8 milliards de francs, y compris la défense sol-air. La population suisse se prononcera sur cette acquisition, mais pourrait ne voter que sur l'achat des avions, pour un montant estimé de 6 milliards de francs. (24 heures) https://www.24heures.ch/news/news/cinq-candidats-evalues-jusqu-fin-juin/story/30895634

  • Scandal-ridden Ukroboronprom seeks fresh start in ties with Western arms makers

    20 mai 2020 | International, Terrestre

    Scandal-ridden Ukroboronprom seeks fresh start in ties with Western arms makers

    By: Aaron Mehta WASHINGTON — If Ukroboronprom is to continue as anything more than a local defense firm, the Ukrainian conglomerate will need to find industrial partners abroad, according to director general Aivaras Abromavicius. And attracting those foreign investors will be nearly impossible without a set of needed reforms to the government-owned company, Abromavicius warned Tuesday— reforms he acknowledged seem to be stalling out at the government level. “Western investors and Western companies are very sophisticated and they're very smart. You know, Ukroboronprom for years has had a tainted reputation,” Abromavicius said at an event hosted by the Atlantic Council. “So it is very clear that almost no Western company of any reputation and size is interested in directly acquiring any assets in the defense sector in Ukraine because of the reputational risks.” That is one of the many reasons Abromavicius is pushing reforms of the company, whose questionable reputation was further damaged by a massive scandal in 2019 involving executives receiving kickbacks on parts smuggled in from Russia. The scandal rocked Ukrainian politics, with some arguing it was a major factor in the loss of the presidency by Petro Poroshenko. President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, inaugurated in May 2019, launched an effort to clean up the mess, which included appointing Abromavicius, a former minister of economy and trade, to oversee a reorganization of the company. Abromavicius, who is pushing a full financial audit of the company alongside a potential reorg of its business units, stressed that “we need to raise governance standards to completely different levels,” factoring in increased transparency, if the company is to have any hope of working with nations abroad. And, he said, Ukroboronprom needs partnerships to survive as anything other than a local, small concern. “The way forward for us is to do joint ventures,” Abromavicius said. “Obviously the way forward is just to set up production facilities in Turkey, in India, you now, United Arab Emirates, whereby our [intellectual property] and their financial resources [combine] together to produce for the domestic and global needs.” While acknowledging that U.S. firms are reluctant to work with Ukroboronprom given its history, such a tie-up would be cheap for any of the major American defense companies, said the Atlantic Council's Michael Carpenter. And, he warned, the American government may soon have a major geopolitical incentive to try and push a Lockheed Martin or Raytheon to work with the Ukrainians. “With the economic chaos that's being wrought by the COVID-19 pandemic, I predict you will see China moving into a lot of countries in Eastern Europe and looking to buy up distressed assets at bargain prices, and it's going to be crucial that when Ukroboronprom looks for outside investors or looks for doing joint ventures, that U.S defense industry is poised to partner, and to invest,” Carpenter said. “It's going to be very important for, I think, the U.S. government also to push our defense industry a little bit to look at this as an opportunity,” continued Carpenter. “It's going to be important from a sort of strategic sense not to allow this industrial base to get snapped up by Chinese or other countries that are going to be, frankly, operating in a predatory manner in the months ahead, and that we allow for that matchmaking, not just with U.S. firms but with European firms as well to go forward.” While not directly tied to defense matters, Boeing is reportedly considering some sort of team up with Antonov on the cargo side, with the Ukranians pushing for a formal joint venture. Beijing, meanwhile, has attempted major inroads in Ukraine, with Chinese aerospace firm Skyrizon attempting to purchase a controlling stake in engine manufacturer Motor Sich and the Tianjiao Aviation Industry Investment Company attempting to purchase a chunk of the Antonov facility which produced the An-225 Mriya. China has emerged as a major economic trading partner with Ukraine in the years since Kyiv cut off relations with Russia. (Antonov falls under the Ukroboronprom umbrella.) Pentagon acquisition head Ellen Lord has warned several times since the COVID-19 pandemic began that the DoD needs to be keeping an eye on both the domestic and foreign defense industry, with the expectation China will attempt to use the economic downturn to its advantage. “Western allies took a backseat, ignored the Ukrainian defense sector, and you know, [the] Chinese stepped in and snapped up the best of the private companies in this sector in Ukraine,” said Abromavicius. “So I would urge, obviously, our allies to take a better look at the defense sector which is being reformed right now in Ukraine. And, you know, show us, show more interest in doing things together.” While Zelenskiy came into office promising major reforms to the country, activists have accused his government of stalling out on many of the promised efforts. Abromavicius “fully” acknowledged that the reorganization of Ukroboronprom has slowed recently, saying he hopes Western officials can “give it a kick” to get things moving again, but he expressed his hope that in the coming weeks there may be legislative action. “So it is a bit too early to say that we have a full support, because I say that everybody and their dog has its own view of what Ukroboronprom reform should look like,” he said. “And I think overall, the Defense and Security Committee is a strong supporter, Ministry of the Economy is a strong supporter, I believe that president's offices as well. And I hope that Ministry of Defense is on our side” soon, he said. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2020/05/20/scandal-ridden-ukroboronprom-seeks-fresh-start-in-ties-with-western-arms-makers

  • New military drone roadmap ambivalent on killer robots

    4 septembre 2018 | International, Terrestre, C4ISR

    New military drone roadmap ambivalent on killer robots

    By: Kelsey Atherton Drones are everywhere in the Pentagon today. While unpeopled vehicles are most closely associated with the Air Force and targeted killing campaigns, remotely controlled robots are in every branch of the military and used across all combatant commands. The fiscal year 2018 defense authorization contained the largest budget for drones and robots across the services ever, a sign of just how much of modern warfare involves these machines. Which is perhaps why, when the Department of Defense released its latest roadmap for unmanned systems, the map came in at a punchy 60 pages, far shy of the 160-page tome released in 2013. This is a document less about a military imagining a future of flying robots and more about managing a present that includes them. The normalization of battlefield robots Promised since at least spring 2017, the new roadmap focuses on interoperability, autonomy, network security and human-machine collaboration. The future of drones, and of unpeopled ground vehicles or water vehicles, is as tools that anyone can use, that can do most of what is asked of them on their own, that communicate without giving away the information they are sharing, and that will work to make the humans using the machines function as more-than-human. This is about a normalization of battlefield robots, the same way that mechanized warfare moved from a theoretical approach to the standard style of fighting by nations a few generations ago. Network security isn't as flashy a highlight as “unprecedented battlefield surveillance by flying robot,” but it's part of making sure that those flying cameras don't, say, transmit easily intercepted data over an open channel. “Future warfare will hinge on critical and efficient interactions between war-fighting systems,” states the roadmap. “This interoperable foundation will transmit timely information between information gatherers, decision makers, planners and war fighters.” A network is nothing without its nodes, and the nodes that need to be interoperable here are a vast web of sensors and weapons, distributed among people and machines, that will have to work in concert in order to be worth the networking at all. The very nature of war trends toward pulling apart networks, toward isolation. Those nodes each become a point at which a network can be broken, unless they are redundant or autonomous. Where will the lethal decision lie? Nestled in the section on autonomy, the other signpost feature of the Pentagon's roadmap, is a small chart about the way forward. In that chart is a little box labeled “weaponization,” and in that box it says the near-term goals are DoD strategy assessment and lethal autonomous weapon systems assessment. Lethal autonomous weapon systems are of such international concern that there is a meeting of state dignitaries and humanitarian officials in Geneva happening at the exact moment this roadmap was released. That intergovernmental body is hoping to decide whether or not militaries will develop robots that can kill of their own volition, according to however they've been programmed. The Pentagon, at least in the roadmap, seems content to wait for its own assessment and the verdict of the international community before developing thinking weapons. Hedging on this, the same chart lists “Armed Wingman/Teammate (Human decision to engage)” as the goal for somewhere between 2029 and 2042. “Unmanned systems with integrated AI, acting as a wingman or teammate with lethal armament could perform the vast majority of the actions associated with target identification,tracking, threat prioritization, and post-attack assessment," reads the report. "This level of automation will alleviate the human operator of task-level activities associated with the engagement of a target, allowing the operator to focus on the identified threat and the decision to engage.” The roadmap sketches out a vision of future war that hands off many decisions to autonomous machines, everything from detection to targeting, then loops the lethal decision back to a human responsible for making the call on whether or not the robot should use its weapons on the targets it selected. Humans as battlefield bot-shepards, guiding autonomous machines into combat and signing off on the exact attacks, is a possible future for robots in war, one that likely skirts within the boundaries of still-unsettled international law. Like its predecessor, this drone roadmap is plotting a rough path through newly charted territory. While it leans heavily on the lessons of the present, the roadmap doesn't attempt to answer on its own the biggest questions of what robots will be doing on the battlefields of tomorrow. That is, fundamentally, a political question, and one that much of the American public itself doesn't yet have strong feelings about. https://www.c4isrnet.com/unmanned/2018/08/31/new-military-drone-roadmap-ambivalent-on-killer-robots

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