5 mai 2020 | Local, Naval

An In-Service Support Opportunity

POLICY PERSPECTIVE

by Ian Mack
CGAI Fellow
May 2020

DOWNLOAD PDF

Introduction

In the autumn of 2019, the federal government announced on www.buyandsell.gc.ca the creation of a discussion group to address in-service support for the Canadian Surface Combatants (CSCs). The objective of Canada's procurement is 15 warships and the project is in the early stages of modifying the design of the U.K.'s global combat ship (GCS), with the first Canadian ship delivery anticipated after 2025. It must be assumed that this discussion group formation is the first stage of industry consultation.

The City-class Type 26 frigate design has been in development for over a decade and the first of eight U.K. Type 26 warships is now in production. BAE Systems won the contract for the design and construction work in the U.K. This design has been available for export under the moniker global combat ship, and both Canada and Australia have selected it – the latter intending to build nine Hunter-class frigates.

While neither the Australian nor Canadian designs have been completed, the combat systems will apparently be quite different across the three nations. However, it is unlikely that the major platform design will change dramatically. If this assumption is correct, it could mean that the major equipment of the platforms of some 32 hulls would likely be substantially the same.

And from an in-service support point of view, this clearly creates an opportunity for international co-operation wherever it makes sense.

TOP OF PAGE


Conventional Wisdom – International Programs

There are indications that three-nation government-to-government meetings have taken place to exchange views on creating a user group during the acquisition activity. It would make sense to also explore a related arrangement for in-service support.

Clearly, with the potential to support 32 equipment sets across the marine platforms, there are many opportunities for economies of scale which could reduce the costs for all three nations – for common design modifications, for spares through bulk buys, for depot-level maintenance with many more units, for common training of potentially two to four times individual nations' throughput/requirements and the like. Such synergies could be worth hundreds of millions of dollars in savings over the extended lives of these warships.

But international programs are not always easy to establish and implement, for many reasons.

Nations are very different. They place different priorities on defence matters so the simple co-ordination required to achieve timely agreements can be difficult. Governments also change and a falling-out between two nations can lead to reversals. Nations lose some of their autonomy in decision-making when they join such programs, which can be a major deterrent. And governments have approaches to contracting which are very different, so negotiations on behalf of multiple governments can become bogged down in disagreements as to what approaches nations will support.

In a perfect world, Canadian and Australian officials might have included an option during the design selection competitions so that such international in-service support programs could have been enabled by adopting a number of mandatory attributes. Unfortunately, the variability in schedules driving Canada's and Australia's frigate programs, as well as the built-in challenges of running competitions, conspired against any detailed discussion of “what ifs”.

Work share (or industrial benefits) is important – to the domestic industries and thus to governments that always care about high-value jobs of the sort one finds in defence-related work. Without doubt, companies in all three countries are already seeing dollar signs and/or may already have won certain rights during the competitions for selection. Hence, Australia and Canada would be unlikely to sign up if all the work is being done, say, in Europe because the bar to agree to collaborate for other reasons could be so high as to be a non-starter. And there could be a number of other challenging commercial issues related to such things as intellectual property that could affect the shape of work-share agreements.

There are also many tactical issues. The three time zones are not conducive to ongoing dialogue; one should never underestimate the challenges of working across large distances. As simple as international meeting arrangements should be, one of the partners will not be able to make it at the 11th hour more often than one expects – much less the travel budget involved and/or the cost of personnel liaison/exchange programs between the countries. Canada's Treasury Board is frequently much more involved in expensive and long-term international contracts, routinely requiring the tedious achievement of annual approvals. Nations and organizations have different laws/regulations and standards respectively which must be synchronized upfront and as changes occur.

And so it goes. One can conclude that, aside from international information exchange forums, complex business arrangements involving both governments and industries in international programs detrimentally impact a nation's autonomy in decision-making and often offer fewer economic benefits. They are not for the faint of heart.

TOP OF PAGE


Conventional Wisdom – The Opportunity

If one were to consider an international three-party in-service support (ISS) program for common platform major equipment/systems which would leverage BAE Systems as the common ISS agent, wouldn't there be potentially significant benefits to Canada? On the face of it, one must assume that the answer is “maybe” and this is worth exploring.

In reviewing this option from a Canadian perspective, it would be appropriate to assess the ISS outcomes against the four sustainment pillars as now mandated for inclusion in the business cases driving Department of National Defence (DND) ISS procurement decisions: performance (operational readiness), value for money (price at or below the market rate), flexibility (adaptable and scalable to accommodate change in operational tempo and available budgets) and economic benefits (jobs and economic growth for Canadian companies).

As mentioned earlier, international programs often render economic benefits much more elusive. However, in terms of performance, flexibility and value for money, there is no doubt that the potential exists to see maximum return on investment. In the case under review, BAE Systems is reported to be the second largest Western defence contractor and therefore should be able to wield the clout that comes with it when dealing with major equipment system manufacturers (OEMs). And of course, the supplemental impact must also be understood and catered to – BAE Systems can choose to be difficult in any business arrangement without significantly affecting its bottom line.

With respect to contractual response to major equipment and systems performance (which contributes to technical readiness), a client with a large work share is more likely to get attention for initiatives to maintain and improve performance than will smaller clients. This would be important in this case because the three navies operate in significantly different environments around the world with the concomitant variations in some performance requirements. As well an OEMs' failure to address the concerns of three allied navies could result in being blacklisted by BAE Systems when procuring equipment/systems for new ship designs, while timely and effective contractual response could lead to future opportunities. Low performance achievement could also deliver a much more significant blow to an OEM's reputation if more than one navy is impacted detrimentally – witness the Boeing scenario with the 737 Max. This can be important, as select foreign OEMs have essentially ignored Canada before when Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) equipment has suffered performance shortfalls. From a performance perspective, an international ISS program with BAE Systems at the centre could be a plus.

In terms of providing adaptability and scalability, the presence of a number of clients can allow reductions in the demand for various services by one client (e.g., facing a budget downturn) to be picked up by another on an interim basis. Alternatively, the need for a surge in support by one navy (e.g., facing major unforeseen operations) may be easier to address by diverting some degree of effort from other clients. Only in the case where all clients are experiencing a similar variation in demand will such flexibility be jeopardized; but such a challenge can equally accrue whether in an international support program or not. Therefore, on balance, there can be greater flexibility in traditional circumstances for an international program, but there are limits.

Value for money should be a strong argument for an international collaboration, if only because of economies of scale when considering, in this case, a fleet of 32 ship sets instead of eight, nine or 15 – and that is as-fitted, with spares increasing the overall numbers of common units of equipment. As an ISS client agent with much more maintenance, repair work and spares demand for an OEM, there would be greater interest in keeping multiple navies happy with the prices paid and the requirement over time to see support costs reduced. International programs frequently benefit by pooling spare units and ownership by OEMs, such that the number required (and hence the costs) are lower and risks to availability can be somewhat mitigated. Instead of each nation addressing emerging technical issues separately, sharing the costs should make it cheaper for all. So too are there potential benefits for OEM infrastructure, as top-notch physical plant and software assurance against cyber-attack are much more affordable to all concerned.

Hence, the conventional wisdom is that such an international in-service support program should offer a better return on investment in terms of greater performance at lower costs, as well as the possibility for greater scalability to adapt to variations in demand for services. But as mentioned earlier, this comes typically with the potential for fewer economic benefits for Canada – clearly an important consideration.

TOP OF PAGE


Unique Considerations of the Case at Hand

In exploring a possible international program for the U.K., Australia and Canada to leverage their selection of the same basic platform design and designer (BAE Systems), it is useful to accept the conventional wisdom but explore additional factors that should be weighed in a sustainment business case. What follows is a potpourri of additional considerations worthy of study.

It is useful to address what could be included in the term “in-service support”. Based on common equipments and systems, it could include design agent services, maintenance, spares, training and documentation within an integrated data environment, to name the most important few. Nations could also select from among these options for hybrid arrangements.

Near the top of the list for CSC is the fact that it is under the umbrella of the National Shipbuilding Strategy (NSS). The strategy specifically prevents the NSS shipyards from providing a single day of in-service support once they are delivered to the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) unless such shipyards win those rights through a competitive procurement process. This is unique – a departure from past approaches in Canadian government shipbuilding – and quite frankly considered to be imprudent. In the very early days of a new class of complex ships, the prime contractor (often the build shipyard and/or designer) usually provides as a minimum a number of years of ISS. The shipbuilder typically has the best expert knowledge that exists for the initial years of services, along with the relationships and a degree of leverage with the major equipment/systems' OEMs. Normally, an in-service support bridging contract is awarded concurrent with the ship construction contract. Often, the prime contractor is then awarded a long-term ISS contract. There is a story as to why ship maintenance support for vessels delivered under NSS departed from the norm (there is always a story), and confirmation should be obtained as soon as possible that the earlier decision is reversible, to allow the business case to include all options.

Related to the former paragraph, Canada has relatively recently awarded a contract to Thales for support services for the Arctic offshore patrol ships and the joint support ships. Although these ships have yet to be turned over to the RCN, one would expect that even at this early stage many lessons have been learned which should be taken into account when conducting the business case, such as whether the knowledge was/is available to support first-day-under-power with the RCN.

BAE Systems is at the heart of the potential international program. From the internet alone, one observes that, among other classes of Royal Navy (RN) ships, BAE Systems manages design, equipment maintenance and ship modifications for the RN's Type 45 destroyers. It therefore would be important to ask the RN how well their approach is working and to explore the details of the existing contract, infrastructure arrangements, innovations introduced and performance to date. This would be a bellwether to the likelihood that the RN would be at least interested in an international support program for their Type 26 frigates in terms of capability and customer-focused cultural flexibility at BAE Systems. And if they have misgivings and/or if Australia is not interested, the international program option may be eliminated from the business case. One would expect that all three nations would support the generation of their own business cases and compare conclusions before making decisions.

Earlier, I offered the assumption that the platform systems are likely to employ the same major equipment systems, but that the combat systems are unlikely to be common. But to overstate the obvious, warships are not like layer cakes – they do not have separate top and bottom halves. The three naval variants being procured are exceptionally integrated and complex super-systems. Therefore, in-service support must address both sets of major equipment/systems – platform and combat systems. BAE Systems is the overall combat systems integrator for the Type 26 frigates destined for the RN and an obvious choice to deliver in-service support. Lockheed Martin Canada is the equivalent for the CSC. And BAE Systems Australia is partnered with Lockheed Martin Australia and Saab Australia to deliver the combat system integration for the Hunter-class frigates. Therefore, an international – almost-whole-of-ship – ISS solution might even offer significant economic benefits to all three nations. This could create challenges based on the proverbial “too many eggs in one basket”, and certain safeguards would be required.

It is worthwhile to note an anomaly in Canada's case regarding the construction of these warships. BAE Systems is responsible for building all of the ships in question in the U.K. and Australia, but Irving Shipbuilding is responsible under NSS to construct the CSCs. One should never underestimate the shipbuilder's knowledge when dealing with a complex seagoing vessel, and a sole platform-related focus on BAE Systems alone would, in the Canadian case, be a deficit in any international program. Irving Shipbuilding's contribution should therefore be considered in the business case for Canada. Should the business case be strong, there is an argument that a directed contract to an Irving-BAE partnership for in-country platform in-service support would make sense and be in the public's interest. As mentioned earlier, although this was prohibited under the original terms of the National Shipbuilding Procurement Strategy, it could be waived in this instance for those warships that will be the backbone of Canada's maritime defence for 30 years. It would provide significant economic benefits as well.

There is clearly the significant potential of operational value to such an arrangement, in addition to strong performance supporting day-to-day readiness. The three nations are on three different continents, and all three navies pursue global deployments. The availability of full ISS in or within the reach of Canada, the U.K. and Australia provides significant benefits to all three navies over their 30-year lives when breakdowns occur far from home port.

The business case should take into account the fact that the U.K. may export the global combat ship design more broadly in the world. If an international consortium delivering in-service support were in place, it could become an important selling feature for potential buyers of the GCS. This undoubtedly could enhance value for money, flexibility and performance for the three plank owner nations. And from a Canadian perspective, as the nation with the largest stake in the game at 15 warships, we should be able to significantly influence the contractual arrangements with current and future parties to the international program.

A typical and expensive part of the life cycle of warships is midlife conversions. Combat systems in particular require modernization to employ new technologies designed to address new threats. These are extremely complex endeavours. Once again, the degree of value for money through life could be even greater, depending on the degree of commonality of the equipment upgrade options selected. And the very fact that Canada would see opportunities worth considering as fully developed options would in itself offer potential cost benefits that would otherwise be unlikely to occur.

As part of the business case analysis, it would be useful to study the commercial marine industry examples of international in-service support. Large ship operators and OEMs are very experienced in working across national and client boundaries to deliver economical services. Any business case should capture the pros and cons more broadly in the commercial business sector as well.

There could be a benefit as part of an international program in terms of the people required. As the proverb goes, many hands make light work. Since the launch of what was then termed the National Shipbuilding Procurement Strategy, Canada's marine HR challenges within government have become more pronounced. An international program could lighten the load while expanding the experience base for involved government and naval personnel in tackling the demands of supporting as complex a platform as the CSC.

It would be important to understand the challenges surrounding the governance in the broadest sense. Though not at all unique, governance would likely need to be structured to address three separate functions – the integrated supplier-client engagement, the clients' government-to-government activity and industry-to-industry supplier co-ordination. While not uncommon when contracting for goods and services for complex systems, the international aspects, length of the arrangement and the ever-increasing volatility in the marketplace are noteworthy. With such complexity and the constantly changing stakeholders involved over 30 years, the mechanisms for a strong and appropriate relationship alignment would be critical to long-term success. When dealing with a high degree of complexity in an international program such as this, the business case needs to assess the likelihood that the collaboration can be created and maintained in terms of the critical enabling relationships.

In the factors highlighted here and as with any business case, the importance of comparing the international program solution with what seems to be the more recent and typical Canadian in-service solution resulting from a competitive procurement cannot be underestimated. Arctic and Offshore Patrol Ships and Joint Support Ships In-Service Support (AJISS) is the latest Canadian example and must be carefully analyzed even at this early stage to determine the prognosis for achieving the desired outcomes. Again, engagement with allies to assess their experience with single-nation support scenarios would be important in establishing the right comparators to enable coherent business case recommendations.

It would be prudent to consider the long view as part of the business case – including such things as the likelihood that nations would retire their warships at different times or even opt out of the international ISS program long before end-of life. While much can change, an early appreciation and understanding of various scenarios and the related risks would be important.

As a final point, such complicated business case assessments are never easy. After assembling the assumption set and the criteria analysis, and after negotiating “les grandes lignes” of a contractual agreement, it would be important to avoid the common pitfall of allowing one or two pros or cons to dominate the decision-making. Too often, the complexity that defies the “kiss principle” leads to rejection of otherwise optimum solutions. But at the end of the day, one must accept that it will be a judgment call.

TOP OF PAGE


Concluding Material

Under the five-year-old Defence Procurement Strategy, Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC) is responsible for leading the industry engagement that launches defence procurement processes. More recently, the ISS procurement strategies have been based on the results of the sustainment initiative business case led by DND.

At virtually every opportunity over the past decade, I have emphasized the importance of managing expectations. In every discussion with industry, it behooves those leading the CSC in-service support exploration activity to include the possibility of an international program solution. To eliminate that option without study would be both shortsighted and inexcusable. Also, failing to repeatedly ensure that all stakeholders are aware of the potential for such an outcome would lack transparency and be disingenuous.

When the RCN's readiness to deliver operational capability is at stake, along with billions of Canadian taxpayers' dollars for CSC in-service support over 30 years, it matters. And an international in-service support program for the new frigates of Canada, the U.K. and Australia is an important option worth considering.

TOP OF PAGE


About the Author

After a 38 year career with the Royal Canadian Navy, Ian Mack (Rear-Admiral Retired) served for a decade (2007-2017) as the Director-General in the Department of National Defence responsible for the conception, shaping and support of the launch and subsequent implementation of the National Shipbuilding Strategy, and for guiding the DND project managers for the Arctic Offshore Patrol Ships, the Joint Support Ships and the Canadian Surface Combatants. He also had responsibility for four vehicle projects for the Canadian Army until 2015. Since leaving the government, he has offered his shipbuilding and project management perspectives internationally. Ian is a longstanding Fellow of the International Centre for Complex Project Management. He also is allied with Strategic Relationships Solutions Inc. He is married to Alex, and has three grown children. With few accommodations for impaired mobility, he remains active. Upon retirement, he founded a small business, Xi Complexity Consulting Inc. in Ottawa Canada.

TOP OF PAGE


Canadian Global Affairs Institute

The Canadian Global Affairs Institute focuses on the entire range of Canada's international relations in all its forms including (in partnership with the University of Calgary's School of Public Policy), trade investment and international capacity building. Successor to the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute (CDFAI, which was established in 2001), the Institute works to inform Canadians about the importance of having a respected and influential voice in those parts of the globe where Canada has significant interests due to trade and investment, origins of Canada's population, geographic security (and especially security of North America in conjunction with the United States), social development, or the peace and freedom of allied nations. The Institute aims to demonstrate to Canadians the importance of comprehensive foreign, defence and trade policies which both express our values and represent our interests.

The Institute was created to bridge the gap between what Canadians need to know about Canadian international activities and what they do know. Historically Canadians have tended to look abroad out of a search for markets because Canada depends heavily on foreign trade. In the modern post-Cold War world, however, global security and stability have become the bedrocks of global commerce and the free movement of people, goods and ideas across international boundaries. Canada has striven to open the world since the 1930s and was a driving factor behind the adoption of the main structures which underpin globalization such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the World Trade Organization and emerging free trade networks connecting dozens of international economies. The Canadian Global Affairs Institute recognizes Canada's contribution to a globalized world and aims to inform Canadians about Canada's role in that process and the connection between globalization and security.

In all its activities the Institute is a charitable, non-partisan, non-advocacy organization that provides a platform for a variety of viewpoints. It is supported financially by the contributions of individuals, foundations, and corporations. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Institute publications and programs are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Institute staff, fellows, directors, advisors or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to, or collaborate with, the Institute.

https://www.cgai.ca/an_in_service_support_opportunity

Sur le même sujet

  • Canadian military falling well short of its target for recruiting women

    17 janvier 2019 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre

    Canadian military falling well short of its target for recruiting women

    Murray Brewster · CBC News New statistics also show efforts to bring in more Indigenous, visible minority recruits failing The Canadian military has barely moved the needle on its ambitious plan to recruit more women, just over a year after the Liberal government introduced its gender-focused defence policy, new figures reveal. The stated intention of Chief of the Defence Staff Gen. Jonathan Vance was to have women make up 25 per cent of the Armed Forces by 2025-26. Statistics released by the Office of the Chief of Military Personnel show that while the number of female recruits coming through the door has increased slightly, it has not been enough to boost overall representation. As of the end of April, women made up only 15.4 per cent of both the combined regular and reserve forces. The story is the same for Indigenous Canadians and visible minorities — those recruitment numbers remain just as anemic as they have been for several years. Indigenous Canadians make up about 2.8 per cent of the Armed Forces; DND has set a goal of getting that share up to 3.5 per cent. Visible minorities make up 8.2 per cent; the target percentage is 11.8. But the military and the Liberal government have more political capital invested in the effort to get more women into uniform. It's central to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's mantra of gender equality, and to Canada's desire to put women at the heart of a reformed international peacekeeping system. The drive to recruit more women comes as the military attempts to overhaul its culture in the wake of a damning report in 2015 by retired Supreme Court justice Marie Deschamps, who said a "sexualized culture" within the military was behind an endemic problem with sexual harassment and misconduct. Female recruitment picking up — but slowly There were 860 women enrolled in the military in the last fiscal year, which ended on March 31 — an increase of eight per cent over the previous year. It's not enough, said the chief of military personnel. "Those are still not meeting the number we need to have in order to meet the 25 per cent target and we're conscious of that," Lt.-Gen. Chuck Lamarre told CBC News in an interview. The slow pace of female recruitment has forced senior brass to take more direct control, he said. "We recognize it's going to take a much more disciplined approach, a much more targeted approach to go get more women, more visible minority and more Aboriginal folks to come join the Canadian Armed Forces," said Lamarre, who insisted the Armed Forces can still hit the target, which was first established in early 2016. The direction from Vance back then had been to increase the representation of women in the forces by one per cent per year over a decade. The new statistics show the military has seen healthy increases in the number of women applying to be officers, or to join the navy or air force. But National Defence is having a harder time convincing women to join the army, and to become non-commissioned members of the rank and file. Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan said it will take time, but there signs of change, notably the desire of women to become officers and leaders, a cultural shift that the DesChamps report said is necessary. "As time goes on, I am confident we will be successful," Sajjan said in a conference call with reporters Tuesday morning from Vietnam. "We are very happy that we are recruiting women into leadership roles." Lamarre said he believes the military is fighting against perceptions about the kind of career being offered. "People have a tendency to self-select out before they give it a shot, and I think that's a mistake," he said, pointing to the military's struggle to get women to consider signing up for trades such as aircraft, vehicle and maritime mechanics. "We are attracting more women into the officer corps, but I think we need to broaden that even more. Part of it is demystifying some of those occupations. Some of them look to be hard and exclusively centred towards men. That's not the case at all. We have some great examples of women who are operating in every occupation." Military's image problem persists Others — DesChamps among them — argue that the perception of the military as a tough place to be a woman hasn't gone away. Despite the military's high-profile campaign to stamp out misconduct — known as Operation Honour — and the increasing number of sexual assault cases being tried in the military justice system, many say that little has changed when it comes to the macho nature of military culture. "In the last three years, in my opinion, more could have been done" to stop harassment and make the military a more welcoming career choice for women, Deschamps told the Senate defence committee last week. "What I have seen is, not a lot of progress has been made." The federal government has faced two class-action lawsuits launched by survivors of sexual assault and misconduct in the military. The cases entered settlement discussions last winter after it was revealed government lawyers filed a statement of defence that said National Defence "does not owe members of the Canadian Armed Forces any duty to protect them from sexual harassment and assault." https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/canadian-military-falling-well-short-of-its-target-for-recruiting-women-1.4691356

  • Fast-track military space projects and have PM head new council for space priorities, industry group says

    1 juin 2023 | Local, Aérospatial, C4ISR

    Fast-track military space projects and have PM head new council for space priorities, industry group says

    An umbrella group for high-tech firms and research groups also calls for a National Space Council, chaired by the prime minister.

  • Lettre de mandat du ministre de la Défense nationale

    16 décembre 2019 | Local, Aérospatial, Naval, Terrestre, C4ISR, Sécurité

    Lettre de mandat du ministre de la Défense nationale

    Monsieur le ministre : Merci d'avoir accepté de servir les Canadiens à titre de ministre de la Défense nationale. Le jour de l'élection, les Canadiens ont choisi de continuer d'avancer. D'un océan à l'autre, les gens ont choisi d'investir dans leurs familles et leurs communautés, de créer de bons emplois pour la classe moyenne et de lutter contre les changements climatiques, tout en maintenant la vigueur et la croissance de notre économie. Les Canadiens ont indiqué qu'ils veulent nous voir travailler ensemble pour faire avancer les dossiers les plus importants, qu'il s'agisse de rendre la vie plus abordable et de renforcer le système de santé, de protéger l'environnement, d'assurer la sécurité de nos communautés ou d'avancer sur le chemin de la réconciliation avec les peuples autochtones. Les gens s'attendent à ce que les parlementaires travaillent ensemble pour obtenir ces résultats, et c'est exactement ce que fera cette équipe. Il est plus important que jamais pour les Canadiens d'unir leurs forces en vue de b'tir un pays plus fort, plus inclusif et plus résilient. Le gouvernement du Canada est l'institution centrale chargée de promouvoir cet objectif commun et, en tant que ministre de ce gouvernement, vous avez l'obligation et la responsabilité de contribuer à l'atteinte de cet objectif. Pour y arriver, il faut d'abord s'engager à gouverner d'une manière positive, ouverte et collaborative. Notre plateforme, Avancer : Un plan concret pour la classe moyenne, est le point de départ de notre gouvernement. Je m'attends à ce que nous collaborions avec le Parlement pour donner suite à nos engagements. D'autres questions et idées surgiront ou nous seront communiquées par les Canadiens, le Parlement, les intervenants et la fonction publique. Je m'attends à ce que vous établissiez un dialogue constructif et réfléchi et à ce que vous ajoutiez, au besoin, des priorités au programme du gouvernement. Lorsqu'une mesure législative est requise, vous devrez travailler avec le leader du gouvernement à la Chambre des communes et le Comité du Cabinet chargé des opérations pour établir les priorités au sein du Parlement minoritaire. Nous continuerons d'obtenir des résultats concrets pour les Canadiens et de mettre à leur disposition un gouvernement efficace. Pour obtenir les résultats que les Canadiens exigent de nous à juste titre, nous devons effectuer un suivi des progrès réalisés par rapport à nos engagements et produire des rapports publics connexes, évaluer l'efficacité de notre travail, aligner nos ressources sur nos priorités et nous adapter aux événements à mesure qu'ils se produisent. Bon nombre de nos engagements les plus importants nécessitent un partenariat avec les gouvernements provinciaux et territoriaux et les administrations municipales ainsi qu'avec les partenaires, les communautés et les gouvernements autochtones. Même en cas de désaccord, nous garderons à l'esprit que notre mandat nous a été confié par les citoyens qui sont servis par tous les ordres de gouvernement et qu'il est dans l'intérêt de tous de travailler ensemble pour trouver un terrain d'entente. La vice-première ministre et ministre des Affaires intergouvernementales est la responsable de toutes les relations avec les provinces et les territoires à l'échelle du gouvernement. Il n'y a pas de relation plus importante pour moi et pour le Canada que celle que nous entretenons avec les peuples autochtones. Au cours de notre dernier mandat, nous avons réalisé des progrès considérables en ce qui concerne l'appui à l'autodétermination, l'amélioration de la prestation des services et la progression de la réconciliation. Je vous demande, en tant que ministre, de déterminer ce que vous pouvez faire dans le cadre de votre portefeuille pour accélérer et renforcer les progrès que nous avons réalisés avec les Premières Nations, les Inuits et la Nation des Métis. Je m'attends également à ce que nous continuions de relever la barre en matière d'ouverture, d'efficacité et de transparence au sein du gouvernement. Autrement dit, je veux que notre gouvernement soit intrinsèquement ouvert et qu'il soit capable d'offrir une meilleure capacité numérique et de meilleurs services numériques aux Canadiens. Notre fonction publique doit être forte et résiliente. Nous devons aussi faire preuve d'humilité et continuer à reconnaître nos erreurs lorsque nous les commettons. Les Canadiens n'exigent pas de nous que nous soyons parfaits; ils s'attendent à ce que nous soyons diligents, honnêtes, ouverts et sincères dans nos efforts pour servir l'intérêt public. En tant que ministre, vous êtes responsable de votre style de leadership et de votre capacité à travailler de façon constructive au Parlement. Je m'attends à ce que vous collaboriez de près avec vos collègues du Cabinet et du caucus. Vous devrez également établir un dialogue productif avec les membres du caucus du gouvernement et les députés de l'opposition, le Sénat, qui est de moins en moins partisan, et les comités parlementaires. Il est également de votre responsabilité d'engager un dialogue fructueux avec les Canadiens, la société civile et les intervenants, y compris les entreprises de toutes tailles, les syndicats, le secteur public en général ainsi que les organismes de bienfaisance ou à but non lucratif. Vous devrez agir de manière proactive pour solliciter des conseils auprès d'un grand nombre de personnes, et ce, dans les deux langues officielles et dans toutes les régions du pays. Nous nous sommes engagés à prendre des décisions fondées sur des données probantes qui tiennent compte des répercussions des politiques sur tous les Canadiens et qui respectent pleinement la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. Les décisions que vous prendrez devront s'appuyer sur l'analyse comparative entre les sexes plus (ACS+). Il est essentiel que vous mainteniez des relations professionnelles et régulières avec les médias canadiens, qui jouent un rôle crucial. La Tribune de la presse parlementaire et, en fait, tous les journalistes canadiens et étrangers, posent des questions pertinentes et contribuent grandement au processus démocratique. Vous devrez aider le gouvernement à continuer d'honorer son engagement à faire des nominations transparentes et fondées sur le mérite, pour veiller à ce que les personnes de toutes les identités de genre, les peuples autochtones, les personnes racialisées, les personnes handicapées et les minorités soient représentés dans les postes de direction. En tant que de ministre de la Défense nationale, vous continuerez de veiller à ce que les Forces armées canadiennes forment une force militaire agile, polyvalente et apte au combat, composée de femmes et d'hommes hautement formés et bien équipés, qui ont l'appui de leur gouvernement et de leurs concitoyens. Cette responsabilité se fonde dans la mise en œuvre de Protection, Sécurité, Engagement: la politique de défense du Canada. Je m'attends à ce que vous travailliez avec vos collègues et dans le respect des lois, règlements et processus du Cabinet établis pour mener à bien vos grandes priorités. Notamment, vous devrez: Veiller à ce que les Forces armées canadiennes disposent des capacités et de l'équipement nécessaires pour s'acquitter de leurs responsabilités par la mise en œuvre du programme Protection, Sécurité, Engagement, y compris les nouvelles acquisitions et les augmentations de financement prévues. Renforcer l'engagement du Canada envers nos partenariats de défense bilatéraux et multilatéraux afin de défendre la souveraineté du Canada, de protéger l'Amérique du Nord et de rehausser la sécurité internationale : Travailler avec le ministre des Affaires étrangères pour veiller à ce que tout déploiement des Forces armées canadiennes soit conforme à l'intérêt national du Canada, à nos engagements multilatéraux et aux objectifs stratégiques du gouvernement; Poursuivre l'importante contribution du Canada à l'Organisation du Traité de l'Atlantique Nord (OTAN) et travailler avec les États-Unis pour veiller à ce que le Commandement de la défense aérospatiale de l'Amérique du Nord (NORAD) soit modernisé afin de surmonter les défis actuels et à venir, conformément à la politique de défense Protection, Sécurité, Engagement; Collaborer avec le ministre des Affaires étrangères pour accroître l'appui du Canada aux opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies, notamment en ce qui a trait aux nouveaux investissements dans le programme pour les femmes, la paix et la sécurité, la prévention des conflits et la consolidation de la paix; Assurer l'efficacité des déploiements des Forces armées canadiennes, y compris dans le cadre de l'opération IMPACT au Moyen-Orient, de l'opération NEON dans la région de l'Asie-Pacifique, de la présence avancée renforcée de l'OTAN en Lettonie, de la mission de l'OTAN en Irak et de l'opération UNIFIER en Ukraine; Élargir le rôle d'assistance et de formation du Canada, notamment en tirant profit de l'expertise des Forces armées canadiennes pour aider d'autres pays exposés à un risque plus élevé de catastrophes liées aux changements climatiques. Collaborer avec la ministre des Services publics et de l'Approvisionnement dans la gestion du processus concurrentiel pour choisir un fournisseur et conclure un contrat pour la construction de la flotte d'avions chasseurs du Canada. Collaborer avec la ministre des Services publics et de l'Approvisionnement pour poursuivre le renouvellement de la flotte de la Marine royale canadienne, afin de poursuivre la revitalisation de l'industrie de la construction navale au Canada, créer des emplois pour la classe moyenne et assurer que la Marine du Canada dispose des navires modernes dont elle a besoin. Appuyer la ministre des Services publics et de l'Approvisionnement dans l'élaboration d'options et d'analyses par rapport à la création d'Approvisionnement de défense Canada, afin de veiller à ce que les projets d'approvisionnement les plus importants et les plus complexes pour la Défense nationale et la Garde côtière canadienne soient livrés à temps et de manière plus transparente à l'égard du Parlement. Cette priorité doit progresser en même temps que les projets d'approvisionnement en cours et dans le respect des échéanciers établis. Comme le prévoit le Cadre stratégique pour l'Arctique et le Nord, collaborer avec le ministre des Affaires étrangères, le ministre des Affaires du Nord et nos partenaires pour augmenter les capacités de surveillance (notamment le renouvellement du Système d'alerte du Nord) de défense et d'intervention rapide dans le Nord et dans les zones d'approche maritimes et aériennes du Canada afin de renforcer la défense continentale, protéger les droits et la souveraineté du Canada, et faire preuve d'un leadership international relativement à l'utilisation et aux règles de navigation dans les eaux de l'Arctique. Continuer d'améliorer le soutien aux membres des Forces armées canadiennes et assurer un milieu de travail professionnel et inclusif qui favorise la diversité : Collaborer avec les haut gradés des Forces armées canadiennes afin d'établir et de maintenir un milieu de travail exempt de harcèlement et de discrimination; Créer une nouvelle prestation libre d'impôt de 2 500 $, destinée aux familles militaires qui doivent déménager afin de couvrir les coûts associés au renouvellement de la formation, de l'accréditation et des autres coûts liés à la recherche d'un nouvel emploi; Faire augmenter à 25 % la proportion de femmes parmi les membres des Forces armées canadiennes d'ici à 2026. Avec l'appui du ministre de la Sécurité publique et de la Protection civile, mettre en place un nouveau cadre régissant la collecte, la gestion et l'utilisation des renseignements de défense par le Canada, comme le recommande le Comité des parlementaires sur la sécurité nationale et le renseignement. Collaborer avec le ministre des Anciens Combattants et ministre associé de la Défense nationale pour renforcer les partenariats entre le ministère de la Défense nationale et Anciens Combattants Canada afin de revoir la prestation des services et réduire la complexité. Ces priorités sont largement tirées des engagements pris dans notre plateforme électorale. Comme je l'ai déjà mentionné, je vous encourage à chercher des occasions de travailler avec tous les membres du Parlement pour donner suite à ces engagements et cerner d'autres priorités. Je m'attends à ce que vous travailliez en étroite collaboration avec votre sous‑ministre et ses cadres supérieurs pour veiller à ce que les travaux en cours dans votre ministère soient effectués de manière professionnelle et que les décisions soient prises dans l'intérêt public. Votre sous-ministre vous informera des nombreuses décisions quotidiennes nécessaires pour assurer la réalisation de vos priorités, le bon fonctionnement du gouvernement et la prestation de meilleurs services aux Canadiens. Je m'attends à ce que vous mettiez en pratique nos valeurs et nos principes dans la prise de décisions, afin que ces décisions soient prises en temps opportun, de manière responsable et conformément à l'orientation globale de notre gouvernement. Pour que notre gouvernement puisse donner suite à ses priorités, il doit tenir compte des conseils professionnels et non partisans des fonctionnaires. Chaque fois qu'un employé du gouvernement se présente au travail, il le fait au service du Canada, dans le but d'améliorer notre pays et la vie de tous les Canadiens. Je m'attends à ce que vous établissiez une relation de travail basée sur la collaboration avec votre sous‑ministre, dont le rôle, tout comme celui des fonctionnaires sous sa direction, est de vous appuyer dans la réalisation de vos responsabilités ministérielles. Nous nous sommes engagés à être un gouvernement transparent, honnête et redevable envers les Canadiens; un gouvernement qui respecte les normes d'éthique les plus rigoureuses, qui porte une attention soutenue à la gestion des fonds publics et observe la plus grande prudence dans ce domaine. Je m'attends à ce que vous incarniez ces valeurs dans votre travail et que vous ayez une conduite éthique irréprochable dans tout ce que vous faites. Je veux que les Canadiens regardent leur gouvernement avec fierté et confiance. À titre de ministre, vous devez vous assurer que vous connaissez bien la Loi sur les conflits d'intérêts et les politiques et lignes directrices du Conseil du Trésor, et que vous les respectez à la lettre. Vous recevrez une copie du document Pour un gouvernement ouvert et responsable afin de vous aider à mener à bien vos responsabilités. Je vous demande de le lire attentivement, y compris les parties qui ont été ajoutées pour le renforcer, et de vous assurer que les membres de votre personnel en prennent connaissance également. Je m'attends à ce que vous embauchiez des personnes qui reflètent la diversité du Canada et à ce que vous respectiez les principes de l'égalité entre les sexes, de l'égalité des personnes handicapées, de l'équité salariale et de l'inclusion. Portez une attention particulière au code d'éthique qui figure à l'annexe A de ce document. Ce code d'éthique s'applique à vous et à vos employés. Comme il est indiqué dans le code, vous devez observer les normes les plus élevées en matière d'honnêteté et d'impartialité, et l'accomplissement de vos t'ches dans le cadre de vos fonctions officielles de même que l'organisation de vos affaires privées devraient pouvoir faire l'objet d'un examen public scrupuleux. On ne s'acquitte pas de cette obligation simplement en se contentant de respecter la loi. Je souligne qu'il est de votre responsabilité de faire en sorte que votre cabinet respecte les normes les plus élevées en matière de professionnalisme et qu'il constitue un milieu de travail sûr, respectueux, enrichissant et accueillant pour votre personnel. Je sais que je peux compter sur vous pour exercer ces importantes responsabilités. La vice-première ministre et moi-même sommes là pour vous appuyer dans votre rôle de ministre, et je m'attends à ce que vous communiquiez régulièrement avec nous. Veuillez agréer, cher collègue, l'expression de mes sentiments distingués. Le très hon. Justin Trudeau, c.p., député Premier ministre du Canada *Cette lettre de mandat a été signée par le premier ministre dans la première langue officielle du ministre. https://pm.gc.ca/fr/lettres-de-mandat/lettre-de-mandat-du-ministre-de-la-defense-nationale

Toutes les nouvelles