News

James Bosbotinis June 15, 2020 There is growing international interest in the development of offensive hypersonic weapon systems, particularly following the deployment by Russia and China of nascent hypersonic strike capabilities. France, India, Japan and the UK all are seeking to develop a hypersonic strike capability too. Beyond Russia's Avangard hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV) and Kinzhal air-launched ballistic missile (ALBM), and China's DF-17 HGV, both nations are developing additional hypersonic weapon systems. Russia, for example, is working on the Zircon hypersonic cruise missile (HCM) and related technologies, while China is developing an expansive technological base and infrastructure for the development and production of hypersonic systems for military, commercial and space applications. Given the technical challenges and cost inherent in developing hypersonic weapons, particularly in areas such as propulsion, airframe design, guidance and thermal management, what roles will such weapons undertake? The speed, maneuverability and flight characteristics of hypersonic weapons makes them challenging to detect, track and intercept, reducing the warning time available and window for interception. Hypersonic weapons thus provide advantages for the prosecution of time-critical targets, mobile or relocatable targets or in the face of adversary missile defense capabilities. Maritime strike is also a key projected role for hypersonic missiles under development or being deployed by Russia, China and Japan. In the conventional precision-strike role, hypersonic weapons will require a robust set of supporting intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition and reconnaissance capabilities, in particular for the prosecution of mobile/relocatable targets. France is developing its fourth-generation air-launched nuclear missile, the ASN4G, which will be scramjet-powered and is due to enter service in the mid-2030s, replacing the current ASMP-A. It is also developing an HGV demonstrator, the “Vehicule Manoeuvrant Experimental,” or V-MaX, which is due to make its first flight before the end of 2021. India is similarly pursuing two hypersonic weapon projects, the BrahMos-2, developed by the BrahMos joint venture between India and Russia, and another HCM project. The BrahMos-2 is intended to be an HCM capable of speeds of Mach 5-7; HCM development is supported by the scramjet-powered Hypersonic Technology Demonstrator Vehicle (HSTDV). An attempted test flight in June 2019 failed due to a technical problem with the Agni-1, serving as the launch platform for the HSTDV. Japan has outlined plans for two hypersonic weapon systems; the Hyper-Velocity Gliding Projectile (HVGP) and a Hypersonic Cruising Missile. Japan outlined in its Midterm Defense Program (fiscal 2019-23) plans to strengthen the defense of “remote islands in the southwest region,” including through the establishment of HVGP units. The HVGP is intended to be a tactical HGV, capable of delivering a penetrating warhead for targeting, for example, aircraft carriers, or a “high-density EFP” (explosively formed penetrator) warhead for “area suppression.” An initial variant will be deployed in the 2024-28 time frame with an improved variant following in the 2030s. The Japanese HCM will be a scramjet-powered missile, armed with the same warheads as the HVGP, and intended to provide a standoff capability to counter “ships and landing forces attempting to invade Japan.” The HCM will be deployed in the late 2020s/early 2030s, with an improved variant following later in the 2030s. The UK is exploring options for the development of a hypersonic strike capability, including potentially as part of the joint Future Cruise/Anti-Ship Weapon project with France to replace the Storm Shadow/SCALP standoff cruise missile and the anti-ship Exocet and Harpoon from 2030. In July 2019, Air Vice Marshal Simon Rochelle, then chief of staff capability, announced that the UK sought to deploy an affordable, air-launched hypersonic weapon by 2023. Moreover, as Aviation Week disclosed, a joint U.S.-UK study, Thresher (Tactical High-Speed, Responsive and Highly Efficient Round), is underway between the U.S. Air Force Research Laboratory and UK Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (AW&ST April 6-19, p. 14). It is due to be completed in 2022 or 2023. With the notable exception of the UK's intention to rapidly acquire a hypersonic missile by 2023, the majority of known programs are not likely to deliver weapon systems until the second half of the 2020s or 2030s. This period is also likely to see a significant expansion in Russian and Chinese hypersonic strike capabilities. Russia possesses a nascent hypersonic strike capability following the initial deployment in December 2017 of the Kinzhal ALBM and in December 2019 of the Avangard HGV system. The Kinzhal and Avangard were both announced by President Vladimir Putin in his state of the nation address on March 1, 2018, and reflect Russia's long-term efforts to develop hypersonic weapons, particularly as a response to U.S. missile defense efforts. Although seeming to catch the U.S. public by surprise, the development of the Avangard can be traced back to the Albatross project started in the late 1980s as part of the Soviet response to the U.S. Strategic Defense Initiative. NPO Mashinostroyeniya performed several tests of the Yu-70 prototype in 1990-92, until the program was put on hiatus amid the dissolution of the Soviet Union, says Markus Schiller, founder of ST Analytics and a Germany-based consultant on hypersonic technology. The Yu-70 project was revived shortly after Putin assumed power in 2000, leading to a series of test flights in 2001-11. The Avangard HGV is based on an improved version known as the Yu-71, which performed a series of tests in 2013-18, Schiller says. The development of hypersonic weapons also reflects Russia's interest in developing a robust conventional long-range precision-strike capability as part of its wider military modernization efforts. It is developing and deploying both nuclear and conventionally armed hypersonic weapons, including dual-capable systems, to undertake tactical and strategic roles. In addition to the Avangard and Kinzhal, at least three more development programs are underway: the Zircon, GZUR (deriving from the Russian for “hypersonic guided missile”) and an air-launched weapon to arm the Sukhoi Su-57 Felon. The Avangard is an ICBM-launched HGV, initially equipping the UR-100N, a modernized version of the SS-19, and might equip the developmental SS-X-29 Sarmat (Satan 2). The Avangard is reportedly capable of attaining speeds in excess of Mach 20, can maneuver laterally and in altitude, and can travel intercontinental distances. Although principally intended as a nuclear system, the Avangard can reportedly also be used in the conventional strike role. The Kinzhal is a dual-capable, air-launched derivative of the Iskander-M tactical ballistic missile, with a range of 2,000 km (1,250 mi.) and a speed of Mach 10. It is being deployed with a modified variant of the Mikoyan MiG-31, the MiG-31K, and may be integrated with other aircraft, including reportedly the Tupolev Tu-22M3 Backfire. Russia is also developing a scramjet-powered HCM, the 3K22 Zircon, which will be capable of speeds up to Mach 9, have a range in excess of 1,000 km, and operate in the land attack and anti-ship roles. The Zircon will be compatible with existing launchers capable of launching the Oniks supersonic cruise missile, such as the UKSK vertical launch system. It is due to enter service in 2022. A Zircon was successfully test-fired from the new frigate Admiral Gorshkov in February 2020. Following the collapse of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, Putin announced the development of a ground-launched Zircon variant. The GZUR is reported to be an air-launched missile capable of a speed of Mach 6, a range of 1,500 km and sized to fit within the bomb bay of a Tupolev Tu-95MS Bear. It may enter service in the early 2020s. In this regard, Russian media reports in May noted the testing of a new hypersonic missile from a Tu-22M3 that is intended to arm the modernized Tu-22M3M. Another hypersonic missile is reported to be under development and intended to equip the Su-57. China has thus far only confirmed one hypersonic weapon, the DF-17. Its pursuit of hypersonic weapons is driven by the requirements to counter U.S. missile defenses and acquire a robust precision-strike capability as part of its wider efforts to develop “world-class” armed forces. The DF-17 is a conventionally armed medium-range ballistic missile (potentially derived from the DF-16), equipped with an HGV, with a range of 1,800-2,500 km. When it debuted at China's National Day Parade on Oct. 1, it was announced as being intended for “precision strikes against medium- and close-range targets.” In testimony before the U.S. House Armed Services Committee this March, U.S. Air Force Gen. Terrence O'Shaughnessy, commander of U.S. Northern Command and the North American Aerospace Defense Command, stated that China is testing an intercontinental HGV. It is likely that the DF-41, China's new ICBM that also debuted at the October 2019 National Day Parade, would be armed with the new HGV. O'Shaughnessy's testimony appeared to echo public statements in 2014 by Lee Fuell, who was then in Air Force intelligence and linked China's HGV development program to plans for that country's nuclear arsenal. China is developing the technologies required for HCMs. For example, in May 2018, a scramjet test vehicle, the Lingyun-1, was publicly exhibited for the first time in Beijing, while in August 2018 China successfully tested a hypersonic waverider test vehicle, the XingKong-2, which attained a speed of Mach 6. Notably, in April 2019, Xiamen University successfully flew the Jiageng-1 test vehicle, which employed a “double waverider” configuration. Interest in developing an air-launched hypersonic strike capability has also been noted. China is also believed to be developing two ALBMs, which would provide China with a near-term air-launched hypersonic strike capability. The new CJ-100, which also debuted at China's 2019 National Day Parade, warrants mention. Aside from the statement that the weapon offers “long range, high precision and quick responsiveness,” no technical information on the CJ-100 has been officially released. The South China Morning Post, citing the Chinese publication Naval and Merchant Ships, suggests the CJ-100 has a cruising speed of Mach 4 and top speed of Mach 4.5, adding that it employs a two-stage configuration utilizing a rocket booster and ramjets. Given China's progress in developing hypersonic technologies, the possibility that the CJ-100 is a hypersonic cruise missile cannot be dismissed. In a further indication of China's progress in the development of hypersonic technologies, in January 2019 it was reported that an indigenous Turbine-Based Combined-Cycle engine had completed its design and development phase and was proceeding to the aircraft integration test phase. https://aviationweek.com/defense-space/missile-defense-weapons/international-hypersonic-strike-weapons-projects-accelerate

Rolling Meadows, Ill. – June 16, 2020 – Northrop Grumman Corporation (NYSE: NOC) has been awarded an order to provide Large Aircraft Infrared Countermeasure (LAIRCM) systems and support to the U.S. Air Force. The $151.3 million award was received as part of an existing indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity contract. “Northrop Grumman has been providing infrared threat protection to the U.S. Air Force for nearly two decades,” said Bob Gough, vice president, navigation, targeting and survivability, Northrop Grumman. “This order helps us to continue providing upgrades, modifications and production installations on numerous aircraft.” The LAIRCM system defends domestic and international aircrews by detecting, tracking and jamming incoming infrared threats. The system automatically counters advanced infrared missile systems by directing a high-intensity laser beam into the missile seeker. Under this latest order, Northrop Grumman will provide systems to support upgrades, modifications and production installations on a number of aircraft including the C-17, HC/MC-130J, KC-46, P-8, CH-53K, C-37 and head of state aircraft. Northrop Grumman's IRCM systems are installed on more than 1,500 aircraft of more than 80 types worldwide. Northrop Grumman solves the toughest problems in space, aeronautics, defense and cyberspace to meet the ever evolving needs of our customers worldwide. Our 90,000 employees define possible every day using science, technology and engineering to create and deliver advanced systems, products and services. Media Contact Bailey O'Malia Communications Manager, Land & Avionics C4ISR (224) 625-6547 Bailey.omalia@ngc.com View source version on Northrop Grumman: https://news.northropgrumman.com/news/releases/northrop-grumman-continues-support-for-us-air-force-infrared-countermeasures-systems

June 15, 2020 - RUAG carries out regular maintenance work on the Super Puma helicopters and its components. In addition to the Swiss Air Force, customers include foreign military units and civilian clients. The twin-engine Super Puma is powered by the Makila 1A1, manufactured by Safran Helicopter Engines, the world's leading manufacturer of helicopter engines. It offers the widest range of helicopter turboshafts in the world and has more than 2,500 customers in 155 countries. In order to ensure the reliability of the engines, regular maintenance work is essential. RUAG is one of the world's leading service providers for the Super Puma helicopter type. With over 60 years of experience, RUAG delivers added value to the safety and performance of selected civil and military helicopters. The close cooperation between RUAG and Safran Helicopter Engines has existed for many years. As an original equipment manufacturer (OEM) approved service centre, RUAG's Lodrino site regularly processes fuel control units for Makila 1A1 engines. The contract between the engine manufacturer and RUAG has now been extended for the existing year and the upcoming year 2021. RUAG maintains close and long-term relationships with various OEMs. This enables RUAG to guarantee a constant availability of resources to provide high-quality services. «We appreciate the reliable and transparent cooperation with Safran Helicopter Engines», explains Max Grob, Business Development Manager Propeller Aircraft & UAV, RUAG Ltd. «Such partnerships help us to continuously expand our know-how and ensure our performance and reliability towards the Swiss Air Force and other customers». For more information about the product, contact Ercole Minieri, Teamleader Commercial Propeller Aircraft & UAV, e-mail Ercole.minieri@ruag.ch / mobile +41 76 380 93 31 For more information about RUAG, contact Kirsten Hammerich, Senior Media Relations Manager, e-mail Kirsten.hammerich@ruag.ch / mobile +41 79 770 81 18 View source version on RUAG : https://www.ruag.com/en/news/safran-helicopter-engines-extends-contract-ruag

Arlington, Va., June 15, 2020 /PRNewswire/ -- Raytheon Intelligence and Space, a Raytheon Technologies business (NYSE: RTX), was awarded a multiple award IDIQ to participate in the Air Force's development of the Advanced Battle Management System, a future command and control network that will connect military platforms across the globe, giving military commanders the ability to make decisions faster. Under a multiple award, IDIQ contract valued up to $950 million over the next five years with options beyond, RI&S will participate in the support of the maturation, demonstration and proliferation of capability across platforms and domains to enable Joint All Domain Command and Control (JADC2). "ABMS will transform the future battlespace for the U.S. Air Force by delivering the right data at the right time to the right people so they can make the right decisions fast," said Barbara Borgonovi, vice president of Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance Systems, at Raytheon Intelligence & Space. "This is the first step to delivering the Air Force's vision of JADC2, which will link capabilities across all domains – air, land, sea, cyber and space." To support this effort, RI&S has the opportunity to contribute open systems design, modern software and algorithm development for the future system. Under the terms of the multiple award contract, the Air Force will run competitions under each category that will be issued as task and delivery orders. RI&S will be supported by Raytheon Missiles & Defense. About Raytheon Intelligence & Space Raytheon Intelligence & Space delivers the disruptive technologies our customers need to succeed in any domain, against any challenge. A developer of advanced sensors, training, and cyber and software solutions, Raytheon Intelligence & Space provides a decisive advantage to civil, military and commercial customers in more than 40 countries around the world. Headquartered in Arlington, Virginia, the business generated $15 billion in pro forma annual revenue in 2019 and has 39,000 employees worldwide. Raytheon Intelligence & Space is one of four businesses that form Raytheon Technologies Corporation. About Raytheon Technologies Raytheon Technologies Corporation is an aerospace and defense company that provides advanced systems and services for commercial, military and government customers worldwide. It comprises four industry-leading businesses – Collins Aerospace Systems, Pratt & Whitney, Raytheon Intelligence & Space and Raytheon Missiles & Defense. Its 195,000 employees enable the company to operate at the edge of known science as they imagine and deliver solutions that push the boundaries in quantum physics, electric propulsion, directed energy, hypersonics, avionics and cybersecurity. The company, formed in 2020 through the combination of Raytheon Company and the United Technologies Corporation aerospace businesses, is headquartered in Waltham, Massachusetts. Media Contact Tamar Brill +1 520. 269.5697 Tamar.Brill@rtx.com SOURCE Raytheon Technologies View source version on Raytheon Company,: https://raytheon.mediaroom.com/2020-06-15-Raytheon-Intelligence-Space-selected-to-participate-in-development-of-the-Advanced-Battle-Management-System

Melbourne, Fla. June 11, 2020 - L3Harris Technologies (NYSE:LHX) has been awarded a five-year contract by the U.S. Air Force for sustainment of the B-1B Bomber's Electronic Countermeasures (ECM) system which helps to protect the aircraft against evolving electronic threats worldwide. L3Harris will provide AN/ALQ-161A repair support to the Air Force as part of the contract. The unit is an integrated radio frequency ECM system designed specifically for the B-1B. It detects and counters radar-based weapon systems and also provides a tail warning function to detect and counter incoming missiles from behind the aircraft. The system sorts threats by priority and reacts against them automatically while allowing for “man-in-the-loop” intervention. “The combat-proven and versatile AN/ALQ-161A has been the ECM solution for the B-1B since the 1980s and has helped to protect its aircrews against evolving electronic threats since the Cold War,” said Ed Zoiss, President, Space and Airborne Systems, L3Harris. “L3Harris continues to sustain the system to meet the future strategic airpower needs of the Air Force through the aircraft's projected retirement in 2040.” L3Harris has delivered electronic warfare solutions for a wide variety of airborne platforms for more than 60 years. The company's airborne EW systems support and enable missions for strategic bombers, tactical fighters and rotary aircraft by helping aviators to detect, avoid, and where necessary, defeat electronic threats at every level of engagement. L3Harris' Space and Airborne Systems segment provides space payloads, sensors and full-mission solutions; classified intelligence and cyber defense; avionics; and electronic warfare solutions. About L3Harris Technologies L3Harris Technologies is an agile global aerospace and defense technology innovator, delivering end-to-end solutions that meet customers' mission-critical needs. The company provides advanced defense and commercial technologies across air, land, sea, space and cyber domains. L3Harris has approximately $18 billion in annual revenue and 48,000 employees, with customers in more than 100 countries. L3Harris.com. Forward-Looking Statements This press release contains forward-looking statements that reflect management's current expectations, assumptions and estimates of future performance and economic conditions. Such statements are made in reliance upon the safe harbor provisions of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. The company cautions investors that any forward-looking statements are subject to risks and uncertainties that may cause actual results and future trends to differ materially from those matters expressed in or implied by such forward-looking statements. Statements about system capabilities are forward-looking and involve risks and uncertainties. L3Harris disclaims any intention or obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events, or otherwise. # # # Sleighton Meyer Space & Airborne Systems +1 321 727 4020 Sleighton.Meyer@L3Harris.com Sara Banda Media Relations +1 321 674 4498 Sara.Banda@L3Harris.com View source version on L3Harris Technologies: https://www.l3harris.com/newsroom/press-release/2020/06/89891/l3harris-technologies-awarded-sustainment-contract-for-us-air-force-b-1b-bomber-electronic-warfare-system?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=social&utm_term=&utm_content=01-b1b-pr&utm_campaign=sas-e

Stevenage, June 16, 2020 – The UK's space industry leader Airbus, has teamed with KBR, Leidos UK, Northrop Grumman and QinetiQ to bring new thinking to future space solutions and to launch the Open Innovation – Space initiative. The aim of Open Innovation – Space is to further increase SME involvement in UK future satellite communications services and space activities creating high value jobs and growth across the UK. The consortium, comprising the UK leader in space and sovereign military satellite communication services, and leading defence companies in their fields, have extensive experience in mission critical communication services and associated space, ground and management segments. With proven track records of modernising defence services, the consortium partners already engage with many SMEs to serve government and commercial customers. Open Innovation – Space will look to significantly raise this SME engagement to accelerate regional recovery by broadening potential investment in novel solutions and ideas. Companies from across the UK are being encouraged to participate with a dedicated portal at www.openinnovationspace.uk to engage with the team. Richard Franklin, Managing Director, Airbus Defence and Space UK said: “The space industry will play an increasingly important and visible role in the economic recovery of Britain, underpinning not only critical national infrastructure but also day to day services such as weather forecasting and satellite navigation. As space services and applications continue to expand and touch everyone's lives even more, we are calling on SMEs to engage with us further to see how we can bring greater innovation and new ways of thinking in future satcom services to grow the UK's space capability and industrial expertise.” The consortium partners have been at the heart of the UK's defence and space sector for more than 50 years having developed leading edge design, manufacturing, systems and service capabilities across the entire space domain. Airbus in the UK is recognised as a global leader in the design and manufacture of advanced telecommunications satellites and is a trusted prime contractor for some of the most complex space science and exploration missions in the world. Airbus provides a range of space-based services to customers worldwide including the support of the UK Armed Forces, and its NATO Allies, by delivering and operating the Skynet military communications system, providing 24/7 services across the world for more than 15 years. The consortium partners include leaders in modernising defence information technology systems as well as trusted providers of research, technology advice, products and mission rehearsal services. With proven capabilities to enable interoperability with allies, including the US, NATO, Five Eyes etc, the consortium share a vision of the future and a commitment to grow the UK's industrial footprint through SME engagement. Your Contact Jeremy Close Media Relations Space Systems, UK +44 776 653 6572 jeremy.close@airbus.com View source version on Airbus: https://www.airbus.com/newsroom/press-releases/en/2020/06/leading-uk-space-industry-consortium-calls-for-greater-sme-engagement-for-future-satcom-services.html

David Pugliese • Ottawa Citizen The cost of modernizing the planes used by the Snowbirds aerobatic team has more than doubled and could end up costing more than three times the original amount because of the needed upgrades. The Department of National Defence had budgeted $26 million to keep the Snowbirds aircraft operating until at least 2030, according to a briefing provided to aerospace industry representatives last year in Ottawa and obtained by this newspaper. DND officials couldn't explain Monday the difference in the cost estimates but when aerospace industry representatives were briefed last year the project at that point included modernizing aircraft avionics. The project details on the DND website have added a new ejection seat as well as modernized communications and navigation equipment for the Snowbirds CT-114 Tutor jets. Questions about the ejection seats in the Tutor aircraft fleet emerged after Capt. Jennifer Casey, the team's public affairs officer, died on May 17 when the Snowbirds aircraft she was a passenger in crashed in Kamloops, B.C. Video of the incident appears to show Casey and Capt. Richard MacDougall, the pilot of the CT-114 Tutor aircraft, eject from the plane shortly before it slammed into the ground. MacDougall survived with serious injuries. A Canadian Forces flight safety team has focused its investigation into the crash on a possible bird strike as well as on the performance of the aircraft's escape system, the team noted in a statement. A witness at the crash scene claimed that Casey's parachute did not open. The Canadian military knew in 2016 the ejection seat on Snowbirds aircraft needed to be upgraded but it acknowledged it is still only in the early stages of modernizing that system. The Royal Canadian Air Force has now started a project to upgrade the parachutes on the ejection seats. During the briefing last year, aerospace industry officials were told a request for bids to upgrade the Tutor jets would be issued next year. A contract would be awarded that same year, the briefing noted. The first of the upgraded CT-114 Tutors would be ready for the Snowbirds in 2022, according to the industry briefing. The project would be finished by 2025 with all upgraded planes delivered by then. “The project will life extend the CT-114 Tutor until the year 2030,” industry officials were told. The avionics upgrade is required if the planes are to continue flying in North American airspace. The Department of National Defence stated in an email to this newspaper that the analysis of what is needed for the aircraft modernization is almost complete. “The project is progressing into definition where design, engineering and prototyping will take place over the next 18 months,” the email noted. The cost to modernize the Tutors pales in comparison with the proposed price tag for replacing the aircraft. That project could cost between $500 million and $1.5 billion, according to the DND. The planes have been in the Canadian Forces inventory since 1963 and have been used by the Snowbirds since 1971. The Tutors were supposed to have been retired in 2010, but that date was then extended to 2020. The latest extension allows the aircraft to fly until at least 2030. The Royal Canadian Air Force, however, is facing a potential dilemma with replacing the aircraft. The federal government has indicated it wants the aerobatic team to continue operating and the Snowbirds are seen as a key public relations tool for the military. But some in the Canadian Forces have privately questioned spending money on the Snowbirds because they do not directly contribute combat capabilities to the air force. https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/modernization-program-for-snowbirds-aircraft-jumps-in-price

La réunion des ministres de la Défense de l'UE ce mardi (16 juin) le prouve. La litanie des 25 paragraphes balayant tous les sujets met sous le tapis cinq sujets d'incohérences, non résolus depuis des années. Ce qui est assez incongru alors que tous les signaux sont au vert (cf. encadré). Les Européens sont aujourd'hui face à leurs contradictions, leurs incohérences (1), forts dans le verbe, faibles dans l'action. Première incohérence : aucune responsabilité stratégique clairement identifiée L'Europe manque d'une chaine de décision clairement identifiée, surtout au plus au haut niveau. Ce devrait être le rôle du Conseil européen. Mais celui-ci a peu à peu délaissé ce rôle, encombré par les affaires intérieures de l'UE : crise économique, renouvellement institutionnel, Brexit, etc. Quelques discussions de politique extérieure ont bien eu lieu, mais peu nombreuses, pas assez fréquentes, et parfois tournées vers le sommet de l'iceberg, non vers la profondeur stratégique. Ainsi quand la Russie a été évoquée, c'était surtout pour examiner s'il fallait prendre des sanctions après l'invasion de la Crimée et la guerre dans l'Est de l'Ukraine et quelles sanctions prendre, pas vraiment pour voir quelles relations de voisinage entretenir. Et quand on aborde la Turquie, c'est en extrême urgence pour tisser des liens avec Ankara afin d'éviter une vague migratoire. Il y a eu assez peu de discussions au fond sur les relations avec les pays du Golfe, avec l'Afrique, avec la Libye, durant la présidence de Donald Tusk. Charles Michel qui avait inauguré son mandat par une série de balades (lire : Quand Tintin Michel se balade, le Conseil européen trinque) pourrait changer la donne. Mais les dissensions internes sur le futur cadre budgétaire (MFF) risquent, encore une fois, de détourner l'attention. Les ministres de la Défense se réunissent, mais une seule fois par semestre, dans une formation qui est mineure, dépendant de celles des Affaires étrangères. Les sujets qu'ils abordent sont rarement les plus importants. Et la terminologie employée souvent très optimiste (progrès, félicitations, succès...) sert davantage à masquer les divergences qu'à les trancher. Idem au Parlement européen où la défense est confinée dans une sous-commission, sans capacité de décision autonome. En fait, il manque une instance stratégique. C'est le problème plus général de l'Union européenne en matière de diplomatie et de défense. Elle erre un peu parfois sans une logique totalement compréhensible et intelligible. Le Haut représentant reste avant tout un super ‘diplomate', chargé de mettre en œuvre une politique. Si les États ne sont pas d'accord, il en est réduit à broder. Or, la haute couture ne suffit pas à remplacer une décision. L'idée d'un Conseil européen de sécurité, proposée par l'Allemagne, est intéressante (lire : Mettre en place un Conseil de sécurité européen ? Une idée à travailler). Mais elle apparait plutôt comme une manœuvre de diversion et n'a jamais reçu de suite très concrète. Il faut que le Conseil européen fasse son travail... tout simplement. Deuxième incohérence : la fuite en avant L'autre défaut typique de l'Union européenne est de lancer sans cesse de nouveaux concepts, de nouveaux projets, sans avoir tiré auparavant le bilan de ce qui marche et ne marche pas. On empile ainsi les projets capacitaires les uns sur les autres, sans fermer des dossiers. Où en sont aujourd'hui les 11 projets opérationnels décidés en 2011 par exemple ? Et sur les 47 projets de la PESCO, chacun sait bien que certains sont « morts nés » pour reprendre une expression officieuse. Dans les couloirs européens, personne n'ose le dire publiquement. Mais sous le sceau de l'anonymat, les langues se délient. En bref, il faut élaguer. Au lieu de ça, on alourdit l'arbre. Cela n'a pas de logique. Du moins vraiment compréhensible au point de vue de l'opinion publique comme des experts. Idem en matière opérationnelle. Les battlegroups sont toujours inemployés. Et notre analyse passée (2) reste (malheureusement) exacte. On ne voit rien aujourd'hui qui puisse les faire mieux fonctionner. Sur les seize missions extérieures de l'UE, on sait très bien — y compris dans les rangs européens les plus convaincus — qu'un petit tiers (estimation basse) ne remplit pas l'objectif primaire fixé par les traités à la PSDC : la stabilisation ou le maintien de la paix (lire : Opération Sophia, EUBAM Rafah et Libya... l'UE doit apprendre à fermer des missions devenues inutiles). Elles sont plutôt là pour mettre un point sur la carte, occuper le terrain. Leur suppression risque d'engendrer des grincements de dents, mais cette retructuration est nécessaire. Troisième incohérence : entre le dire et le faire un abyme Dans les missions et opérations de la PSDC, pourtant décidées en commun (l'unanimité étant toujours la règle), les moyens font souvent défaut. C'est une autre incohérence et non des moindres de la politique européenne de défense. Certaines lacunes sont récurrentes. Ainsi, depuis plusieurs années, le soutien médical dans les missions de la PSDC est souvent délégué à un pays tiers (ou au privé), faute de moyens européens. D'autres apparaissent de façon criante. L'exemple de l'opération de contrôle des armes au large de la Libye (EUNAVFOR Med Irini) en est un (dernier) exemple criant. Les États sont (à peu près tous) d'accord : le désordre libyen est un des pires facteurs d'instabilité pour l'Europe, il faut contrôler l'embargo sur les armes et aboutir à un processus politique... Mais quand il s'agit de fournir des moyens opérationnels pour mettre en œuvre cette volonté, il y a beaucoup moins de monde. (lire : Une opération Irini bien à la peine. Les États membres chiches en moyens). Quatrième incohérence : une structure héritée du passé Toutes les structures actuelles sont issues de la réflexion sur l'état de l'Europe il y a vingt ans, voire trente ans. L'élaboration du Traité de Maastricht date des années 1990. Soit la réalisation du marché unique. Une autre époque ! À chaque nouvelle phase (tous les dix ans), on rajoute une couche institutionnelle, sans vraiment chercher à simplifier ou réorganiser le système. Aujourd'hui, ce n'est pas tant le manque institutionnel que le surpoids qui l'emporte. On a ainsi un noyau d'état-major de l'UE en train d'évoluer (lentement), à côté des état-majors de force (Eurocorps, Euromarfor) largement sous-employés. Au niveau capacitaire, trois structures sont en place : l'agence européenne de défense et OCCAR qui s'occupent de la gestion des projets, et la nouvelle DG Défense et Espace (DEFIS) de la Commission européenne, sans oublier les structures au sein du service diplomatique européen (SEAE) qui s'occupent de gestion de crises. Et je ne parle pas de celles de l'Alliance atlantique. Chacune a sa propre logique et sa justification. La question n'est peut-être pas tant de les supprimer, mais d'avoir une logique d'ensemble, partagée par tous les acteurs, une saine répartition des t'ches, compréhensible, organisée. Quitte à couper les ‘branches mortes'. Cinquième incohérence : la coopération OTAN-UE Ce lien est célébré partout. On le retrouve à toutes les sauces dès qu'il s'agit d'une réunion consacrée à la défense d'un côté comme de l'autre du rond point Schuman. Si les relations entre les deux organisations sont fluides (elles l'étaient déjà du temps de Javier Solana ;-), dans les faits, la relation entre les deux organisations reste faussée par une géopolitique fort différente qui se résume à deux mots : USA et Turquie. L'OTAN reste, en effet, très dépendante à la fois de la volonté américaine (son actionnaire principal) et de la politique turque (élément clé de sa présence au Sud-Est). Vissée à ces deux éléments, elle obéit à un équilibre précaire et reste bien en peine de fixer sa politique, devant sa survie au durcissement russe entamé depuis 2014 avec la guerre en Ukraine et l'annexion de la Crimée. Les deux (autres) guerres actives aux bordures du territoire de l'Alliance (la Syrie et la Libye) se déroulent avec un cavalier seul de la Turquie, plus que troublant. La violation délibérée par Ankara de l'embargo sur les armes en Libye est une (grosse) épine dans le pied, douloureuse pour la solidarité de l'Alliance. L'Alliance, en fait, n'est pas très en forme. Encore moins pourrait-on dire que l'Union européenne, même si cela apparait moins clairement. Elle est à la recherche d'un nouveau point d'équilibre qu'elle n'a pas vraiment trouvé. Ses deux missions de formation en Irak et en Afghanistan sont proches de la fin. Elle se cherche de nouveaux terrains d'action... Elle ne dispose pas de moyens d'actions juridiques et financiers propres et en est réduite, aujourd'hui, à quémander à l'Union européenne de lui prêter ses moyens pour mener ses propres projets (cf. pour la mobilité militaire). Très clairement, les deux organisations n'ont ni la même stratégie ni la même tactique. La pandémie du coronavirus a montré comment leur coopération restait aléatoire, surtout en cas de crise grave. Chacun a tenté très vite de tirer la couverture à soi, multipliant des réunions de coordination là où il n'y avait plus grand chose à coordonner. Parler de coopération est donc plus qu'hasardeux. On serait plus proche de la parabole de l'aveugle et du paralytique. (Nicolas Gros-Verheyde)

By: Aaron Mehta WASHINGTON — The U.S. State Department has cleared Canada to purchase a package of upgrades for its fleet of CF-18 Hornets, including upgraded radars and weapons, intended to serve as a bridge between the legacy fleet and Canada's future fighter. The package, which comes with an estimated price tag of $862.3 million, would fulfill the requirements for Canada's “Hornet Extension Project Phase 2,” which was announced last year. The program seeks to upgrade the “sensors, weapons, survivability, security and mission support to maintain parity with evolving threats” for 36 of Canada's Hornets, with initial delivery in 2023, according to a statement on the Canadian military's website. Canada has 80 CF-18s in inventory and is in the midst of a long attempt to replace the aging fighters with 88 newer designs — one of which has been marred with restarts and political challenges. The Phase 2 extension is designed to help bridge the capability gap until new jets come online. Among the upgrades included in this potential package: 50 Sidewinder AIM-9X Block II tactical missiles; 38 APG-79(V)4 active electronically scanned array radars; 38 APG-79(V)4 AESA radar A1 kits; 46 F/A-18A wide-band RADOMEs; upgrades to the Advanced Distributed Combat Training System; and technical assistance to support the upgraded jets. “This sale will provide Canada a 2-squadron bridge of enhanced F/A-18A aircraft to continue meeting NORAD and NATO commitments while it gradually introduces new advanced aircraft via the Future Fighter Capability Program between 2025 and 2035,” said a statement from the Defense Security Cooperation Agency, using an acronym for the U.S.-Canadian North American Aerospace Defense Command. “The proposed sale of the capabilities, as listed, will improve Canada's capability to meet current and future warfare threats and provide greater security for its critical infrastructure,” it added. Work would be performed by Raytheon in its El Segundo, California, location; General Dynamics Mission Systems in Marion, Virginia; Boeing's St. Louis, Missouri, facility; and Collins Aerospace in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. Any industrial offset agreements will be sorted out in the future. Announcements of potential Foreign Military Sales deals are not final, and dollar amounts or quantities of items may change during final negotiation. https://www.defensenews.com/global/the-americas/2020/06/16/canadian-cf-18-upgrade-package-okd-by-us