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David Pugliese • Ottawa Citizen Dec 03, 2020 Companies must be based in Canada and the work has to be completed relatively quickly, creating or maintaining domestic jobs. After committing to spend more than $2 billion with American companies, the Liberal government wants to give a major boost to homegrown defence firms by moving ahead on projects that can purchase equipment for the Canadian military quickly from domestic companies to either create or shore up jobs. Department of National Defence officials began looking in late April at options to provide support to the defence industry as the new coronavirus pandemic rocked the economy. DND and the government hoped the fast-tracked purchases would help Canada's economic recovery. But so far, the four major purchases over the last several months for the Canadian military saw the Liberal government make major commitments with U.S.-based companies for work that will be done almost entirely in America and create or support hundreds of U.S. jobs. That includes the acquisition of new surveillance aircraft for Canadian special forces, the purchase of new systems and missiles for the air force's CF-18s, missiles for the navy and parts and equipment for C-17 transport planes. The particular equipment ordered isn't built in Canada. In some cases, the U.S. firms receiving the work are exempt from the government's requirement to match the value of the contracts with the reciprocal purchasing of services or supplies from Canadian companies. Now, the government has ordered DND officials to draw up lists of equipment that can be bought from Canadian firms. Companies must be based in Canada and the work has to be completed relatively quickly, creating or maintaining domestic jobs. DND spokesman Dan Le Bouthillier confirmed options are being examined to help minimize the impact of COVID-19 on the defence industry. “We are looking at ongoing procurement projects to determine what we may be able to prioritize in order to ensure our defence industry partners are supported,” he said. “This is ongoing at this time, though no decisions have been made at this point.” But Tamara Lorincz, a peace activist and PhD candidate in Global Governance at the Balsillie School for International Affairs, says many more jobs could be created in Canada if the money was directed into non-defence sectors of the economy. She pointed to the 2009 U.S. study by University of Massachusetts, which examined the impact of spending $1 billion on both military and non-military areas. The non-military areas included clean energy, health care, and education, as well as for tax cuts which produce increased levels of personal consumption. The study concluded substantially more jobs were created by non-military sectors. Lorincz noted that there were no comparable independent studies which have looked at the Canadian situation. Lorincz and various peace groups are also questioning the Liberal government's plans to spend $19 billion on new fighter jets in the coming years. The money should instead go towards programs like national pharmacare or child care, she added. Lorincz noted it costs $40,000 an hour to operate a F-35, one of the fighter jets being considered by the Liberals. That amount is close to the yearly salary of a long-term care facility employee, she added. Christyn Cianfarani, president of the Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries, said the country's defence industry can play an important role in the federal government's COVID-19 economic recovery plan. The association has recommended to government that it accelerate military equipment project approvals, favour domestic firms as much as possible for future work, as well as focus on Canadian-based cyber firms for associated purchases as the government moves its employees to more remote work. Construction projects on bases could also provide local contractors with work, she added. Canada's defence industry actually fared better than other economic sectors during the pandemic, Cianfarani noted. There were no significant layoffs and most firms have been able to continue operations and production. In addition, some companies switched to producing medical equipment or protective gear for use by hospital staff during the pandemic. The Liberal government announced Monday it wants to spend up to $100 billion between 2021 and 2024 to help the economy recover from COVID-19. https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/after-agreeing-to-2b-in-deals-with-u-s-based-defence-companies-liberals-ask-dnd-for-list-of-canadian-firms-to-quickly-buy-from

New radar system can also be upgraded to work with ballistic missile defence CBC News · Posted: Dec 01, 2020 4:00 AM ET | Last Updated: December 1 The Canadian navy's new frigates will get a cutting-edge radar system that has never before been installed on a warship — a recent decision that quietly ended a heated debate within the $60 billion warship program. The Lockheed Martin-built AN/SPY-7 radar will be installed on the new warships despite a furious back-room lobbying campaign by elements in the defence industry to convince DND to take a pass on the new system. It was a critical decision — one on which the federal government has been silent, apart from a few scattered social media posts, despite repeatedly promising to be more open and transparent about the multi-billion-dollar decisions it makes on shipbuilding. The choice of a radar system for the frigates has important implications for the military, as well as for the taxpayers who will foot the bill for Ottawa's $60 billion plan to build 15 new surface combat ships for the navy. The BMD option It also has significant political ramifications because Lockheed Martin's AN/SPY-7 radar is easy to upgrade to a ballistic missile defence system — a defence program successive Canadian governments have resisted joining. The contract to install the radar system on the new frigates was awarded in September by the warship's prime contractor, Irving Shipbuilding Inc., and acknowledged publicly by Lockheed Martin Canada earlier this month. Japan purchased a land-based version of the radar to serve as an early warning system for North Korean ballistic missile launches. That plan was rolled back earlier this year in response to fears that the missile batteries — located near the radar installations — would pose a hazard to densely-populated surrounding areas. At the moment, Canada and Spain are the only two countries planning to put the SPY-7 on their warships, although Japan has now also signalled it might equip some of its new warships with the technology. For more than three decades, Canadian governments of both political stripes have turned down U.S. overtures to join its ballistic missile defence (BMD) network. The issue became a diplomatic lightning rod the last time it was discussed over 15 years ago. The new frigates, including their radar systems, are being designed with BMD in mind in case a future government decides to get Canada involved. The potential for a new political brawl over BMD worries leading defence expert Dave Perry less than the technical and budget issues related to the federal government's choice of radar system. New system unproven, says expert In a statement, the Department of National Defence insisted that the cost of adapting the radar to the Canadian frigate design "will be covered as part of the ($140 million) long-lead contract" signed with Irving Shipbuilding in early 2019, after Lockheed Martin was selected to design the new ships. There is another concern, though. The fact that the AN/SPY-7 "has not been marinized and deployed on a ship at sea is significant," said Perry, a defence procurement expert and vice president of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute. "It means on the spectrum of developmental production, it is far closer to the purely developmental end of the spectrum than something that is deployed and has been proven on a couple of different navies around the world," he said. Lockheed Martin officials dispute that assessment, saying all of the components have been used on warships in one way or another, including the cabinets used to house the electronics. "The SPY-7 radar is not in development. It was designed for use as a maritime radar and is based on mature technology that has been thoroughly tested and is being adapted and scaled for a variety of customers in both land-based and at-sea applications," said Gary Fudge, vice president and general manager of Lockheed Martin Canada Rotary and Mission Systems. The company officials concede it will take design work to integrate the system into the new Canadian frigates, but insist that would be true of any other new radar system. There are still risks, Perry said. Canada's struggles with new technology "Canada has a lot of problems bringing development technology into service," he said, pointing to auditor general reports on the procurement fiasco involving the CH-148 Cyclone maritime helicopter and the 16-year quest to replace the air force's fixed-wing search plane. "Part of the problem is making sure you understand what it is you actually are buying," Perry added. "So if you are structuring a process to buy something off-the-shelf, you can buy something off-the-shelf. But we generally don't do that." DND said the AN/SPY-7 was pitched as part of Lockheed Martin's bid to design and manage the frigate program, and the navy needs the most up-to-date technology in warships that will be in service for decades. The system represents the "latest generation radar, with capability that surpasses other units fielded today," said DND spokesperson Jessica Lamirande in a media statement. Canada's new frigates could take part in ballistic missile defence — if Ottawa says yes Industry briefing questions Ottawa's choice of guns, defence systems for new frigates PBO pushes up cost estimate for Canada's frigate build by $8 billion DND was targeted by a furious behind-the-scenes lobbying campaign aimed at getting it to drop Lockheed Martin's radar system. An unsolicited defence industry slide deck presentation — obtained and published last year by CBC News — made the rounds within the government and landed on the desks of senior officials and military commanders. It described the AN/SPY-7 as "unproven technology" that will be "costly to support." Lockheed Martin officials pushed back against that assertion recently, saying that the new system will be easier to maintain, relies on existing components and — importantly — doesn't have to be switched off for maintenance work. Lockheed Martin officials were less clear on whether the overall system has yet to be fully certified for use on warships at sea. "SPY-7 technology has been declared Technical Readiness Level 7 by the U.S. government, meaning it has been tested in an operationally relevant environment," said Fudge. "SPY-7 for CSC takes advantage of investments across multiple shore and sea based programs as well as internal funding for its development and testing. Canada has agreed to pay for the CSC-specific requirements and integration of SPY-7 into the CSC platform, which is required for any radar selected." https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/frigate-radar-lockheed-martin-1.5822606

P-3 Aircrew Training is set to Commence in December ESG Aerosystems is proud to be awarded a $ 64.5 M U.S. Navy Contract for which MHD-ROCKLAND is excited to be the sole-source aircraft Subcontractor. Starke, Fla., November 26th, 2020 – MHD-ROCKLAND Inc. and ESG Aerosystems, announce that ESG Aerosystems has been awarded a U.S Navy Contract valued at $64.5 million, and MHD-ROCKLAND will act as the sole-source aircraft subcontractor. As per the scope of this contract ESG Aerosystems is mandated to develop a curriculum and facilitate training for P-3 aircrew positions including co-pilots, patrol plane commanders, instructor pilots, flight engineers, instructor flight engineers, and flight currency training. This is to support Naval Education and Training Security Assistance Field Activity's (NETSAFA) applicable field units and other program offices and stakeholders. The achievement is 100% funded by Federal Republic of Germany funds under the Foreign Military Sales Program to secure the operational readiness of the German Navy P-3C Aircrew. The training is set to start in December 2020 and takes place at the ESG Aerosystems training facility within the MHD-ROCKLAND Flight Ops facilities located at Keystone Heights Airport Fla. Home to five MHD-ROCKLAND P-3 aircraft, the facility is well-equipped to host students and provide hands-on mission ready training. The duration of the training program varies with the type of aircrew position and will include both simulator and live flight training. “We are extremely excited to partner with ESG Aerosystems to deliver comprehensive training solutions for the enduring P-3 Orion platform” said Josh Miller, President, MHD-ROCKLAND. “With over 40 years of experience in legacy aircraft sustainment, our team is ready to add value and offer this unique and essen-tial service to global P-3 fleet operators who require it” he added. “We are delighted to partner with MHD-ROCKLAND,” stated Matthias Weerts, President, ESG Aerosystems, and continued, “We are looking forward to starting the training for the German Navy and then to serving the global P-3 community by delivering efficient, effective, and tailored training to sustain this incredible platform and community.” The new P-3 aircrew training program spearheaded by ESG Aerosystems and MHD-ROCKLAND fills in the gap left by the closure of VP-30. The global P-3 Orion network is extremely resilient and will continue flying their P-3 Orion fleet-many of them well into the 2030's. We are ready to support the P-3 Orion customers including Foreign Military partners and U.S. Government agencies, by providing an extensive program which perfectly matches each operator's needs and requirements. About MHD-ROCKLAND With offices in the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, MHD-ROCKLAND Inc. is a privately-held aero-space company that has, for close to 40 years, supplied high-caliber services, training and support to fixed-wing aircraft for military aircraft operators around the globe, including manufacturer support through OEM and other channel partners as well as repair and overhaul within its own facilities. With more than 250,000 square feet of warehouse facilities, the company has one of the largest privately-owned P-3 and C-130 inventories in the world. It's Flight Ops Unit located in Keystone Heights, Fla. is home to five P-3 Orions and four L-188 Electras. For further infor-mation, visit mhdrockland.com. Media Contact: Amna Chishty, Marketing Communications Phone: + 1 (514) 453 1632 Ext: 1293 amna.chishty@mhdrockland.com About ESG Aerosystems ESG Aerosystems Inc. is a 100% subsidiary of the German privately owned company ESG Elektroniksystem- und Logistik-GmbH, which is one of the German Armed Forces (Bundeswehr) most trusted and proven partners. ESG was founded in 1967 and established itself as an independent service provider, developing, integrating and operating complex, security relevant electronic and IT systems for the military, public authorities and companies. ESG is a certified aviation company for aircraft for the Bundeswehr (German Federal Armed Forces) and an aviation engineering company in line with EASA Part 21J, EASA Part 21G and EASA Part 145. To provide excellent P-3 pilot training, ESG Aerosystems Inc. has teamed up with MHD-ROCKLAND, a world class supplier in fixed wing aircraft services and support. Media Contact: William Bushman Phone: (904) 601-9422 William.bushman@esg-aerosystems.com www.esg-aerosystems.com Press release

By: Aaron Mehta; DefenseNews.com 20 November 2020 WASHINGTON — When the Trudeau government took office in 2015, one of the first appointments was tapping Harjit Sajjan, a combat veteran who served in Afghanistan, as Canada's minister of national defense. Sajjan is now one of the lonest-serving ministers of defense in Canadian history. After an appearance at the Halifax International Security Forum, Sajjan talked with Defense News about the country's long-awaited fighter jet procurement, as well as the nation's future on the world stage. The interview has been edited for clarity and length. Regarding the fighter competition, the plan is to either downselect to two jets in 2021, or make a final decision in 2022. Where does that decision stand? How has the coronavirus pandemic impacted the timing and size of the program? I'm very happy with the progress of the selection for our next fighter. And it's gone to a very good stage where we actually have three companies. I don't know exactly — because the team there that does the analysis is independent — which direction they'll go, of downselecting or how that's going to happen. So we'll see how the progress moves ahead. I can turn to your direct question regarding COVID-19. We initially, obviously, just like anybody, had some minor delays because we had to shift a lot of the resources to the pandemic fight. But we were able to shift our people back into dealing with our procurement very quickly because, as you know, defense is an essential service, and making sure that those jobs continue was very important to us. So the delays were actually very minor. And all the updates that I've reviewed so far [shows] that things are actually progressing extremely well. So you don't see any delays for that program likely coming as a result of COVID-19 or anything else? Right now I'm confident that we'll be able to make up any time because the shift that we made. [We have some] very good people [who] are running these very large projects, so we needed to shift some of that talent to the COVID-19 fight initially, for good reason. But in a few months, we were able to shift those people back to this program. Canada's defense budget is set to significantly increase in the coming years based on the 2017 defense policy agreement. You've recently said this will still happen, but some experts said that given the economic impact of the last year and given post-pandemic priorities, the defense budget might end up either changing or taking a cut. How confident are you that the targets that have been set are going to be hit, budget wise? First of all, the security challenges that we face around the world don't change. And that's an important point for everybody to take note of, and it's something that we took note when we conducted our defense policy review. This is one of the reasons why, when we put this defense policy together, we wanted to have a thorough cost analysis done early on based on the capabilities that we felt that we needed, not only for the defense of Canada but to be good partners as part of this financial command at North American Aerospace Defense Command or the Five Eyes [intelligence-sharing alliance] and the work that we do at NATO. So we made a decision to fund the defense policy for the duration, which is 20 years. So there was a government-level decision to do this, to carve it out of the fiscal framework, and that should give assurance to people how seriously we took this from the beginning. We looked at any type of financial challenges that a nation might go through, but we also knew that we needed to maintain the defense funding because, as you know, in the past, defense policies have been put out, but the money has not been included, and they had to be agreed upon every single year. Based on that experience, I can understand some of the concerns that some of these experts actually have, but this is something that we looked at right from the beginning, and the reason why we made a government-level decision to fund the defense policy for the 20 years. So it can't be just a very quick decision to change the defense budget. But more importantly, one of the things — probably one of the most important things that we need to take a look at, especially as we deal with COVID-19 — is the economic downturn, [is that] the defense industry adds a significant amount of well-paying jobs. So it's very important to keep these investments moving because this is about maintaining well-paying jobs across the country and supply chain that we have, connected with our allies, especially with the U.S. You mentioned global challenges. Something that recently emerged is this idea of the “Quad” between India, Japan, the United States and Australia. Do you see Canada having a role in that, and would you want to join? I can see what that initiative — what it was trying to achieve. But let's keep in mind: We already had some good mechanisms where we were working with — so for example, with the United Nations Security Council resolutions on sanctions monitoring in North Korea, that was where nations came together from all the nations that participated in the Korean conflict, Korean War early on, where we decided to up our support for [monitoring.] We created Operation NEON in Canada to provide the direct support. In fact, one of our frigates just completed their work with monitoring, and we have a surveillance aircraft still in the region conducting that work. So the work that the Quad does — I think it's extremely important. I think we need to have a much wider conversation of not just looking at the Quad, but we need to look at how allies are going to come together to look at how do we support places like the Asia-Pacific region and our Association of Southeast Asian Nations partners in the Indo-Pacific region. So I think it's a good effort, but I think we need to look at even more thorough analysis and look at what are the things that nations can contribute. There's also talk about whether to expand Five Eyes, perhaps by formally including Japan. Is the idea of a formal Five Eyes expansion something you support? First of all, Five Eyes is probably one of the most trusted agreements that we have. It's not just: “You sign an agreement, and you're part of a trusted group.” There are some very strict measures that every nation needs to take in terms of the security architecture that's needed inside your country, how we communicate — that provides a framework. That framework also includes a set of laws about governance, as well. But it does not preclude us from working with other partners, and [partners] having greater cooperation with the Five Eyes. And if ever down the road there's an opportunity, I think that's something that's to be kept on the table. But I think Five Eyes allows us to be able to work with likeminded partners, like Japan, and we're already doing some great work as it is. We'll see where the discussion goes. It seems like you're saying you're happy to work with other nations, and already do that, but that Five Eyes requires such a strict legal measure that a formal expansion might not make sense. What I'm going to say here is that there's a lot of good work already being done. When you have an expansion, that alone would require a significant amount of effort toward that. But I think right now we need to take a look at how do we use our current mechanisms to create the effects we need. Because there is a concern right now, and we need to support our ASEAN partners in the Pacific. And so it's better to look at mechanisms that we have in place and work toward a larger relationship. You've made pointed comments about China and the challenge from Beijing. Where's the greatest challenge from China for Canada? The Arctic? The Pacific? Is it economic? It's not just one thing, or pick one over another. I would say overall, the unpredictable nature that China has created, that when you go outside the international rules-based order — that was set up for good reason after the Second World War, of creating predictability — it's the unpredictability that China has created that's giving us significant concerns. So everything from freedom of navigation to how finances are used in countries to bring in influence. About the most important, the biggest one for us, is when they have a disagreement [they will] arbitrarily detain citizens. So we have two citizens who are detained. Australia just, I believe, had an incident very similar to ours. These are some of the things that cause nations around the world to take a [concerned] look. So I wouldn't say it's just one. The Arctic, I'll be honest with you, it will always be a concern for Canada because our sovereignty is extremely important to us. We want to work within partnerships under international laws. We want to do this, but a pattern that's created in other areas has caused concern for us in Canada. There's a debate among foreign policy experts over whether Canada has been too passive. Does Canada need to take a more robust foreign and national security policy stance, or are you comfortable with where it is now? I would say our stance has been misunderstood, then. If you look at the last five years alone, when we formed the government and I became defense minister, we didn't have a consistent engagement in the Pacific. Now we do. We're officially part of Operation NEON, conducting sanctions monitoring; we obviously, because of COVID-19, weren't able to do this, but we've had ships in the Pacific conducting visits, doing exercises as well, or being part of Exercise RIMPAC. And also increasing our whole-of-government approach. We put a battlegroup into Latvia that we lead, [forces] in Ukraine, we actually increased our role there, increased our footprint with the coalition to fight ISIS [the Islamic State group]. And the list goes on. We've actually commanded the NATO training mission in Iraq for the last two years. So when you look at what we do, it is quite significant. But I think in terms of — you can look at it as passive or active. We have to take a look at what does each nation bring to the table. And I remember having a conversation with [U.S. Defense Secretary Jim] Mattis about this. It's about utilizing the skill set of your closest allies and how you work together in creating effects for our diplomats. And that's exactly what Canada has been doing: being a credible partner to convene conversations to be able to move toward peaceful resolutions to disagreements. I wouldn't say that we've actually had to step back in any way. In fact, if you look at the record of what we've actually done, not only we've talked about increasing our spending, we've actually increased our capabilities and contributions at the same time. Aaron Mehta is Deputy Editor and Senior Pentagon Correspondent for Defense News, covering policy, strategy and acquisition at the highest levels of the Department of Defense and its international partners. https://www.defensenews.com/global/the-americas/2020/11/30/canadian-defense-minister-talks-fighter-competition-and-geopolitics/

November 27, 2020 | BAE Systems BAE Systems was proud to open the first Visualization Suite for the Canadian Surface Combatant (CSC) officially on 26 November at its offices in Ottawa. BAE Systems were honoured to mark the occasion with Minister of National Defence Harjit Sajjan, and Commander of the Royal Canadian Navy Vice Admiral Art McDonald in attendance for a tour of the suite. The visualization technology will transform the way warships are designed, built and delivered for the Royal Canadian Navy. Using the technology to create a virtual prototype and “Digital Twin” enables a deep understanding of the vessel and the experience of those serving on board before manufacturing begins. The technology allows a fully detailed view of the ship's design from any angle or area with the ability to inspect and examine equipment and systems quickly and easily, a key benefit in maturing and ensuring design, and in supporting the program's prime contractor, Irving Shipbuilding, as it plans for build. Our engineers are able to mature design across countries and time zones, working together with our partners and customer to create the right ship for Canada. The Canadian Surface Combatant is being designed to meet Canada's unique needs and will deliver immense economic benefits in Canada from across the program team. Our visualisation technology promotes efficiency, quality and safety in the CSC program for the Royal Canadian Navy and the Government of Canada. The CSC team, includes BAE Systems as ship designer, Lockheed Martin Canada leading the design team and Irving Shipbuilding as prime contractor who will build the CSC at their Halifax Shipyard. Over 10,000 people are employed in Canada collectively across all the partner companies supporting the design of the Canadian Surface Combatant, with thousands more in long-term, high-value job creation. Across our three Global Combat Ship programs in Canada, the UK and Australia, 3D visualization suites pioneered by BAE Systems in the UK for the Type 26 program are transforming how ships are designed. http://milaero.iconnect007.com/index.php/article/125431/csc-celebrates-first-visualization-suite-opening-in-ottawa/125434/?skin=milaero

In 2019, the PBO projected the cost of 15 CSC frigates to be nearly $70-billion. The defence department says the ships are still projected to cost between $56- and $60-billion. By Neil Moss; The Hill Times November 25, 2020 The Department of National Defence says there hasn't been an increase in cost to the largest defence procurement project in Canadian history, which will serve as the backbone of the Canadian Navy for years to come, as questions loom over delays, which could add billions to the price tag. Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) Yves Giroux is expecting to release an updated cost projection for the purchase of 15 Canadian Surface Combatants (CSC) in late February 2021. The 15 warships are replacing Canada's current fleet of Halifax-class frigates. The project is still pegged by DND to cost between $56- and $60-billion. “There have been no budget changes,” a DND spokesperson told The Hill Times. The ships were originally budgeted to cost $26-billion before their price was doubled by DND following a 2017 PBO report that estimated the costs to be $61.82-billion. The most recent projection of the cost of the CSC was done by the PBO in February 2019, which forecast the project could cost nearly $70-billion. The DND calculation does not include taxes that will be paid for construction, which the PBO projection does. The PBO was initially tasked to examine the CSC procurement by the House Committee on Government Operations and Estimates during the last parliamentary session and report back by the end of October, but that timeline was cut short by the prorogation of Parliament on Aug. 18. Now, the committee has passed a motion to have the PBO to report back by Feb. 5, 2021. Mr. Giroux told The Hill Times the PBO's report won't be finished until late February. “Given the complexity in the project themselves—the big procurement projects at DND—its not every day or even every year that the government purchases combat ships, so the comparisons are not very easy to do and there are not that many [countries] in the world where information is readily available [for comparison],” he said, noting the PBO hasn't been having difficulties with DND. The office recently criticized the department of finance for a lack of transparency. “Even if we get perfect information and totally complete and transparent information from DND, that is only one part of the ledger. It doesn't tell us whether the predicted cost compared favourably or not with other procurement projects by other navies in the world,” he said, adding difficulty arises when trying to compare different ships, with different capabilities, being built by different shipyards, and under different timelines. In response to the PBO's recent cost projection of Canada's Joint Support Ship procurement, DND said the comparisons that were being used didn't have the same capabilities. “It's not always easy to compare capabilities that vary greatly from one country to the other and that's one criticism we sometimes get when we're trying to cost defence projects, [that] we did not take into account sufficiently the fact that the Canadian capabilities are so much better than the competitors,” he said. Another issue when performing a cost analysis, Mr. Giroux said, is that navies procure varying numbers of ships and the cost per individual ship decreases with the more ships that are built. Mr. Giroux said the cost analysis is in the “early stages” and wouldn't comment on its early findings. He said the extended timeline is a result of the amount of work and the competing work that the PBO has been tasked with, such as costing COVID-19 supports. The DND spokesperson said costs for “personnel, operations, and maintenance” that will be needed throughout the life of the ships will be “greatly influenced” by the ship design and “only available later in the process.” In 2019, the Canadian government selected the BAE Type 26 as the frigate design for the CSC. Lockheed Martin is partnering with BAE Systems. The ships will be constructed at Irving Shipbuilding's Halifax shipyard. Irving and Lockheed Martin are currently “focused on integrating” the necessary elements from the Type 26 with the Canadian Navy's systems requirements for the CSCs, according to DND. The PBO will be comparing the cost of the Type 26 to the Type 31e, the FREMM, and other “competing” ships. Canadian Global Affairs Institute vice-president David Perry, an expert on defence procurement, recently wrote in The Hill Times that there are “rumblings” of delays to the CSC procurement and changes to the ship that could drive up the cost of the project. The CSC procurement has been going through a requirements reconciliation phase of the design process, which the spokesperson says has been “substantially completed,” adding that the preliminary design work has begun. “Significant progress has been made over the last 18 months to advance the selected design to meet the RCN's unique operational requirements. This progress has provided us with greater clarity about the complexity of the ship design and its associated combat systems, as well as better insight into the required time to complete the necessary design work before the start of construction,” the spokesperson said, but did not address if there are any delays. The PBO's 2019 reported indicated that a delay of one year would add $2.2-billion to the cost of the ships and a two-year delay would mean an added $4.5-billion. “There is no evidence suggesting that the pace of the project has improved as the work became more difficult—and that is without trying to account for any COVID-related impacts,” Mr. Perry wrote. During the first wave of the pandemic, Irving Shipbuilding reduced staff at their shipyard to about half. After the design phase of the ships is completed, Irving Shipbuilding will be awarded an implementation contract to build the ships. “The schedule to build and commission the ships will be better understood as design work progresses,” the DND spokesperson said. Mr. Giroux said he was surprised by how precise the information being provided to the PBO is. “I would expect some of the information to be secret for defence reasons [and] national security reasons, and very often they are,” he said. “We're provided with a level of information that is surprisingly detailed in my opinion.” “In terms of transparency from DND, it's a pleasant surprise so far,” he said, adding he also has been surprised with how Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan (Vancouver South, B.C.) and his officials have been transparent with the PBO. nmoss@hilltimes.com The Hill Times Other major defence procurement projects Arctic Offshore Patrol Ship (AOPS) Purpose: The AOPS will provide armed surveillance of Canadian waters, which includes the North, and help enforce Canada's sovereignty with its defence partners. First announced: in 2015 by the Harper government. Cost: $4.3-billion Timeline: First ship was delivered in July 2020 with the sixth and final ship planned for a 2024 delivery. Victoria-class modernization Purpose: To extend the life of Canada's four Victoria-class submarines so they have the capability to operate until the mid- to late-2030s. First announced: in 2017 by the Trudeau government. Cost: Unknown Timeline: Currently in the options-analysis phase. More information on the timeline and costs are expected when the current procurement phase is complete. Joint Support Ships Purpose: The two Joint Support Ships are replacing auxiliary oiler replenishment vessels that were decommissioned in 2016. First announced: in 2004 by the Martin government. Cost: $4.1-billion Timeline: First ship is expected to be delivered by 2024 and the second one is planned to be completed in 2025. Fighter Jet Replacement Purpose: Eighty-eight fighter jets to replace Canada's fleet of CF-18s that serve as the pillar of the Canadian Air Force. First announced: in 2010 by the Harper government. Cost: $15- to $19-billion Timeline: Proposals from three aerospace companies are currently being assessed—Saab's Gripen, Lockheed Martin's F-35, and Boeing's Super Hornet. A contract award is anticipated for 2022 with the first aircraft being delivered “as early as” 2025. The new fleet is planned to operate beyond 2060. Canadian Multi-Mission Aircraft Purpose: To replace the CP-140 Aurora fleet to have a “enhanced long-ranged, long-endurance, multi-mission capability.” First announced: in 2018 by the Trudeau government. Cost: Unknown Timeline: Has yet to begin the option analysis phase.

The Canadian Press NOVEMBER 25, 2020 11:26 AM OTTAWA — Newly released documents show the navy will need help resupplying its fleets at sea even after two multibillion-dollar support vessels are built. The documents obtained by The Canadian Press show that the navy plans to rely on Chantier Davie's MV Asterix and allies to ensure there is no "capability gap" even after the two new joint support ships are finished in next few years. Canada originally planned to buy three new navy support ships when it launched the project more than a decade ago, but cost overruns saw the order cut down to two. The vessels are being built in Vancouver at a combined cost of $4 billion. Yet navy officials have continued to indicate that two support ships are not enough to meet the maritime force's long-term needs, as the government's policy requires the military be able to operate two fleets at sea at the same time. The fear is that the navy will be hamstrung whenever one of the two so-called joint support ships is out of commission, either for repairs or for some other reason. While the documents play down such a threat, they also acknowledge that to prevent a "capability gap," the navy will need to rely on the Asterix as well as "sailing with and leveraging allies and partners who have support-ship capabilities." Canada was forced to rely on allies when its previous two support ships were taken out of service earlier than expected in 2014. Yet such an approach has been criticized as undermining the Canadian military's autonomy and flexibility, which is why the government decided to start leasing the Asterix from Davie in January 2018 until the two new joint support ships arrived. The vessel is in the midst of a five-year leasing arrangement between Ottawa and the Quebec company, with an option to extend the lease by another five years in 2023. The government could also buy the vessel. Parliamentary budget officer Yves Giroux last week estimated the cost of buying the Asterix at $633 million, while extending the contract could cost more than $500 million. Giroux estimated Asterix's sister ship, MV Obelix, could cost $797 million. The Liberal government has so far resisted calls to purchase the Asterix or Obelix, despite pressure from opposition parties as well as Davie and the Quebec government. It has instead repeatedly described the Asterix as a stopgap until the two new joint support ships arrive, the first of which is due in 2023. Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan's spokeswoman Floriane Bonneville repeated that message Wednesday. "Our investment into the new joint support ships will provide the full suite of military requirements for at-sea support that the Royal Canadian Navy requires to do the challenging work we ask of them to protect Canadians," Bonneville said in an email. "Until the arrival of the two Protecteur-class joint support ships ... the RCN is mitigating its gap of at-sea support capability through the interim auxiliary oiler replenishment commercial-based service contract involving MV Asterix and collaboration with Canada's allies." In a separate email, Defence Department spokeswoman Jessica Lamirande said a decision on whether to buy the Asterix or extend the lease with Davie "will come in due course and while considering the broader context of the needs of the CAF as a whole." The Asterix, which was at the heart of the failed prosecution of now-retired vice-admiral Mark Norman, is currently docked in Halifax. Since entering service with the navy, it has sailed on a number of Canadian military missions around the world. Conservative defence critic James Bezan, who has been among those pushing the government to buy the Asterix as well as the Obelix, said it is clear the Navy needs the vessels to be able to function properly at sea. "We believe that Asterix should stay in service, that Obelix should be built and that both (joint support ships) be built so that we have the ability to maintain that blue-water fleet," Bezan said. "That way we can send the navy out and if one of our supply ships happens to be out of service, we can backfill it with (Asterix or Obelix)." NDP defence critic Randall Garrison said it has long been clear that Canada needs more than two support ships to ensure the navy isn't impaired whenever one is out of service, though he questioned whether the Asterix is the best fit. The military has previously said the new joint support ships have better systems to avoid mines, protect against chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear threats, a better propulsion system, a bigger helicopter hangar and more self-defence capabilities. "We've always supported three joint supply ships," Garrison said. "Can the Asterix serve as the third in some capacity even though it has reduced capability? I think we should ask the navy that." Davie spokesman Frederik Boisvert in a statement described the Asterix and Obelix as "a class-leading design which has become the envy of global navies." This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 25, 2020. https://www.burnabynow.com/two-supply-ships-alone-not-enough-to-ensure-navy-can-resupply-fleets-documents-1.24245341

November 23, 2020 10:02 ET | Source: Thales Canada Inc multilang-release Industry veteran Chris Pogue has been appointed as the new Managing Director of Thales Canada – Defence & Security. For more than 50 years, customers including Canada's Department of National Defence and the Canadian Coast Guard have relied on Thales as a prime contractor and long-term partner enabling the Canadian Armed Forces and other defence entities to achieve mission success. OTTAWA, Nov. 23, 2020 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Thales Canada – Defence and Security welcomes Chris Pogue as its new Managing Director. Chris replaces Jerry McLean, who announced his retirement effective November 16, 2020. Before joining Thales, Chris was President of MDA Government, where he was responsible for the company's Defence, Earth Observation Systems, Enterprise IT and Government Space Robotics lines of business. In addition to executive roles with MDA Government, General Dynamics Mission Systems and CAE Defence and Professional Services, Chris spent over 20 years with the Royal Canadian Air Force. He holds a Bachelor of Science degree in Physics and a Master's of Science in Physics and Oceanography from Royal Roads Military College, as well as executive education at the University of York, University of Liverpool and Harvard Business School. With approximately 250 defence and security employees from coast to coast, including over 200 employees in the Ottawa region, Chris will lead the organization's maritime, sea, land, optronics and air programs, including the 35-year, $5.2 billion CAD AJISS contract for the Royal Canadian Navy, currently underway. “Thales is a trusted prime contractor and proven industry leader that is delivering at the highest levels to help the armed forces and coast guards prepare for, achieve and maintain tactical superiority and strategic independence over any form of threat,” said Chris Pogue, Managing Director, Thales Canada – Defence & Security. “As a strong partner to Canadian SMEs and our domestic innovation ecosystem, I look forward to leveraging Thales Canada's leadership in digital transformation and next generation decision systems to enable our customers to make the tomorrow possible, today.” With defence activities in the naval, maritime, ground and air domains, Thales Canada – Defence & Security partners with over 500 Canadian businesses, creating national economic impact of more than $140 million annually. In support of Canada's digital transformation, Thales is committed to the development of innovative Canadian technologies and made-in-Canada defence and security solutions. About Thales Canada A Canadian leader in research and technology, Thales Canada combines over 50 years of experience with the talent of more than 2,500 skilled people located coast-to-coast. With revenues of over $800 million, Thales Canada offers leading capabilities in the defence, urban rail, civil aviation, digital identity and security sectors, meeting the most complex needs and requirements of its customers across all operating environments. About Thales Thales (Euronext Paris: HO) is a global technology leader shaping the world of tomorrow today. The Group provides solutions, services and products to customers in the aeronautics, space, transport, digital identity and security, and defence markets. With 83,000 employees in 68 countries, Thales generated sales of €19 billion in 2019 (on a pro forma basis including Gemalto over 12 months). Thales is investing in particular in digital innovations — connectivity, Big Data, artificial intelligence and cybersecurity — technologies that support businesses, organisations and governments in their decisive moments. https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/11/23/2132003/0/en/Thales-Appoints-Chris-Pogue-as-New-Managing-Director-of-Canadian-Defence-Security-Business.html