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July 11, 2018 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR

Camille Grand : « Tous les alliés de l'Otan augmentent leurs dépenses de défense »

Camille Grand, secrétaire général adjoint de l'Otan, se veut rassurant sur les relations entre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe sur les questions de défense.

JACQUES HUBERT-RODIER

L'Organisation militaire qui unit les puissances occidentales n'est pas en danger, selon le secrétaire général adjoint de l'Otan. Les critiques répétées du président américain Donald Trump sur l'implication financière insuffisante des pays européens sont plutôt justifiées, selon lui, et ne devraient pas dégénérer en une confrontation ouverte. Le renforcement de l'Europe de la défense, complémentaire de l'Otan, serait également bien accepté outre-Atlantique, à condition qu'elle reste complémentaire dans ses développements.

L'Otan peut-elle surmonter la tension entre les Etats-Unis, l'Europe et le Canada ?

Ce n'est pas la première fois que l'Alliance atlantique connaît des tensions entre ses Etats membres. C'est arrivé avec le départ de la France des structures militaires intégrées dans les années 1960, puis au moment des décisions de déploiement des euromissiles dans les années 1980, et plus récemment lors de la guerre en Irak, en 2003. Mais les Alliés ont toujours su surmonter ces débats et il ne faut pas dramatiser ces tensions, d'autant plus que, sur les dossiers de fond, l'Otan avance et s'adapte.

Certes, il y a aujourd'hui de vrais désaccords transatlantiques, mais sur des sujets extérieurs à l'Otan, comme sur le changement climatique,les questions de commerce international ou l'Iran. Ce ne sont pas des sujets sur l'agenda, quotidien ou régulier, de l'Otan.

Le président Trump ne cesse de critiquer l'Otan...

Malgré les critiques adressées aux Alliés par le président Trump, il y a aux Etats-Unis un consensus assez large sur le soutien à l'Otan et à la relation transatlantique. La forte critique sur le partage du fardeau financier de l'Alliance est un thème récurrent depuis des années de la part des Américains qui estiment, non sans raison, que les dépenses militaires sont trop déséquilibrées entre les Etats-Unis et les autres alliés. Les choses évoluent aujourd'hui.

Européens et Canadiens font-ils assez pour leur défense ?

Les Américains demandent aux Alliés de respecter l'objectif qu'ils se sont assignés eux-mêmes lors du sommet de 2014 à Newport, au pays de Galles , c'est-à-dire de parvenir à 2 % de leur PIB consacré à la défense en 2024 - dont 20 % pour l'investissement dans de nouveaux matériels et à la recherche et développement.

Aujourd'hui, le tableau est contrasté : d'un côté, tous les Alliés ont augmenté leur effort de défense. Canadiens et Européens ont au total dépensé 87 milliards d'euros de plus. En 2018, huit alliés (1) consacreront au moins 2 % de leur PIB à la défense, contre trois il y a quatre ans. Dix-huit ont annoncé qu'ils atteindront cet objectif en 2024 ou peu après. La France s'y est, pour sa part, engagée pour 2025.

De l'autre côté, il est vrai qu'un certain nombre de pays sont encore un peu en retrait et n'ont pas pris d'engagement clair pour parvenir aux 2 % en 2024, même s'ils augmentent leur effort. C'est un peu un débat sur le verre à moitié plein ou à moitié vide.

Donald Trump accuse surtout l'Allemagne ?

L'Allemagne s'est engagée fermement à parvenir à 1,5 % de son PIB en 2024. Ce qui constitue une augmentation déjà significative de ses dépenses pour une grosse économie. Parviendra-t-elle à 2 % dans un avenir rapproché ? Politiquement, c'est encore en discussion au sein de la coalition et du Bundestag. Techniquement, l'Allemagne, je pense, peut et doit y arriver car l'argument de dire « nous sommes un pays trop riche » n'est pas recevable alors que des pays plus pauvres font cet effort. Cela sera sans doute étalé dans le temps.

Pourquoi 2 % ?

Cet objectif existe depuis longtemps mais il est devenu politiquement très engageant depuis 2014 avec la promesse faite au sommet du pays de Galles. C'est un chiffre raisonnable si l'on compare à la période de la guerre froide où la plupart des pays de l'Otan étaient plutôt entre 3 % et 4 % du PIB, ou aux dépenses d'autres puissances majeures. Ce n'est pas une course frénétique aux armements mais une norme cohérente avec un environnement stratégique incertain et dégradé.

L'Europe de la défense est-elle concurrente de l'Otan ?

Ce débat est aujourd'hui largement dépassé. L'Europe de la défense et l'Alliance atlantique doivent être complémentaires. Si l'Otan plaide bien sûr pour éviter les duplications inutiles et assurer la meilleure coordination possible, les décisions récentes de l'Union européenne pour renforcer l'Europe de la défense sont bienvenues et utiles avec la mise en oeuvre de la coopération structurée permanente, et surtout avec des investissements dans le prochain cadre budgétaire européen 2021-2027 dans deux domaines importants vu de l'Otan : 6,5 milliards d'euros pour des infrastructures liées à la « mobilité militaire » et la création du Fonds européen de défense doté de 13 milliards d'euros. Certes, tout cela représente 1 % des dépenses de défense en Europe, mais cela aide à faire de l'Union européenne un acteur de la scène stratégique avec lequel l'Otan travaille dans un nombre croissant de domaines. Les relations entre les deux organisations sont denses et n'ont d'ailleurs sans doute jamais été aussi bonnes

Comment voyez-vous les relations avec la Russie ?

Depuis deux ans, l'Otan mène une double approche : d'une part, de dissuasion et de défense avec la consolidation du flanc oriental de l'Alliance gr'ce à une présence avancée, légère, de quatre bataillons dans les trois pays Baltes et en Pologne, et un renforcement de ses structures de commandement ; et, d'autre part, de dialogue. Depuis 2016, le conseil Otan-Russie (COR) s'est réuni sept fois. La rencontre du 16 juillet, à Helsinki, entre les présidents Poutine et Trump s'inscrit ainsi dans les échanges normaux et réguliers entre les leaders de l'Alliance et la Russie.

La menace terroriste est-elle un autre sujet de préoccupation ?

L'Otan est engagée dans la défense collective. C'est notre « coeur de métier ». Ce qui est nécessaire face à l'attitude russe des dernières années, comme en Ukraine avec l'annexion illégale de la Crimée. Mais elle l'est aussi dans la lutte contre le terrorisme. Plus de 16.000 soldats sous le drapeau Otan sont déployés en Afghanistan pour aider et soutenir l'armée afghane. L'organisation prépare, en outre, une mission d'entraînement en Irak. Ce qui est une contribution à la lutte contre Daech.

La Turquie pose-t-elle un problème pour l'Alliance ?

La Turquie est un allié majeur et toujours actif, depuis 1952, dans nos débats. Elle est confrontée à des défis de sécurité exceptionnels du fait de sa situation stratégique et de la menace terroriste. La situation dans le nord de la Syrie a pu donner lieu à quelques tensions. Actuellement, il y a cependant une feuille de route américano-turque sur la Syrie, et les tensions et les incompréhensions sont moins perceptibles.

https://www.lesechos.fr/monde/enjeux-internationaux/0301937638238-camille-grand-tous-les-allies-de-lotan-augmentent-leurs-depenses-de-defense-2191399.php

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  • Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - May 27, 2020

    May 28, 2020 | International, Aerospace, Naval, Land, C4ISR, Security

    Contract Awards by US Department of Defense - May 27, 2020

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  • Bombers, fighters and tankers unite: Will the Air Force rebuild composite wings to fight near-peer foes?

    September 19, 2018 | International, Aerospace

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    By: Kyle Rempfer The Air Force has spent the past few years gearing up for a near-peer fight against adversaries with high-end air forces that match their own. While new doctrines and technologies occupy much of the planning for such a shift, another type of preparation is needed: reorganizing wings and squadrons. One possibility on the table is a return to composite wings. In the early 1990s, the Air Force organized the 366th Fighter Wing out of Mountain Home Air Force Base, Idaho, into the service's premier “air intervention” composite wing. For roughly a decade, the wing flew fighters, bombers and tankers with the goal of meeting the challenges of a post-Cold War world order — where conflict could arrive anywhere, anytime. “They were ready to pack up and go fight as a unified team,” Lt. Gen. Mark Kelly, commander of 12th Air Force, told a crowd of Air Force leaders Monday at the 2018 Air, Space and Cyber Conference in Washington, D.C. “But that was disbanded, and part of it came down to money," Kelly said. "The cost per flying hour of trying to sustain the small-fleet dynamics there didn't look great on spreadsheets.” But Kelly argues that financial assessment was faulty. The quality of the training airmen were getting was being compared to the day-to-day operations at other bases around the Air Force. In reality, it was more comparable to the day-to-day training at Red Flag — a two-week, advanced air combat training exercise still held several times a year in Nevada and Alaska. “Frankly, the training they were getting compared more to Red Flag daily ops," Kelly said. “And that would be a good problem to have and a good construct to be able to build.” The Air Force is rethinking how it constructs wings and squadrons, as well as how it deploys airmen, as it shifts to better align with the 2018 National Defense Strategy, according to Kelly. As it stands, “airmen only come together to fight at the line of scrimmage," Kelly said. For instance, before airmen arrive at a forward base to fight against insurgents in Afghanistan, they may have a unified command at the squadron level, but a unified command at the wing level is severely lacking. Additionally, airmen preparing to deploy today benefit from a surplus of “spin-up" time. They know when their unit is scheduled to deploy and have the luxury of training to meet that challenge well in advance. “That's a luxury that we cannot rely on in great power competition,” Kelly said. Organizing some aircraft and airmen into composite wings could provide the training and deployment structure necessary for fights against modern militaries, Kelly said. The composite wing concept was heavily pushed in 1991 by then Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Merrill McPeak, according to his biography on the Defense Department's website. McPeak wanted to organize wings by their mission-set, not aircraft type. According to his “air intervention” doctrine, a wing deploying for a near-peer fight should have all the aircraft and airmen it needs to accomplish its mission with limited, or possibly no, outside support. This meant one wing could potentially operate electronic warfare aircraft for the suppression of enemy air defenses, bombers to lay waste to enemy fortifications, fighters to engage in air-to-air combat, and tankers to refuel them all. After the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, however, the old composite squadron idea was mostly discarded. The 366th Fighter Wing was restored to fly F-16Js, and the consolidation of the Air Force's KC-135 and B-1 forces led to the reallocation of the wing's bombers and tankers to McConnell AFB, Kansas, and Ellsworth AFB, South Dakota, according to Mountain Home's website. But composite wings, and the idea of sustainable fights with more or less autonomous Air Force commanders, is back in vogue. Funding was one of the biggest challenges to composite wings back in the day, but the reasons for that unit structure are better appreciated now as concerns about China and Russia preoccupy defense planners. To fuel a restructuring, steady funding will be key, according to Kelly. He projected the Air Force's shift to great power competition will continue to be a focus of the defense budget into 2021 and 2022. But regardless of the funds Congress ultimately appropriates for the Air Force in the coming years, restructuring for a near-peer fight needs to happen, Kelly said. “This has to happen regardless of if we have the force we have today with only one more airman, or the force we need with tens of thousands more airmen," he added. https://www.airforcetimes.com/news/your-air-force/2018/09/18/bombers-fighters-and-tankers-unite-will-the-air-force-rebuild-composite-wings-to-fight-near-peer-foes

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